Slonim, Belarus

Memoirs of Moshe Eisenstadt

Just prior to and during the first world war, Moshe lived in Slonim, 40 miles north of Telechan, where he worked in a store owned by his sister Rivka and her husband. It was of this period that he writes in these memoirs.

The memoirs were written in Yiddish on numbered pages in books the size of student's essay books. The pages are numbered from 139 to 378. Obviously there are pages missing at the beginning, and it is clear from the text that more was written at the end. As of this time, no one knows where these additional pages are. A handsome reward is offered for information as to the whereabouts of the remaining portion of the memoirs.

This should be communicated to Ray Stone.

The translation was completed by Adele Miller of Chicago, after about 25 percent had been initially translated by Mickey Flacks of Santa Barbara

 

Memoirs

by Moshe Eisenstadt (Morris Stone)

c 1915

Until the conquest of Warsaw no one thought that the enemy [the German Army] would ever reach us. From the way the battle had gone, no one could foresee that in a period of several weeks it would be possible to destroy tremendous forts to take over Warsaw, Brisk, Bialystok and to move 400 to 500 vyorst. [One vyorst is equal to .66 miles, approximately one kilometer.] It was simply unbelievable that after the surrender of Warsaw, the enemy should have made such gains.

They constantly followed the retreat of the Russian army coming closer each day by several vyorst. Shortly after the fall of Warsaw the town of Brisk fell. News about the fall of this important fort made an overwhelming impression on us. We were sure that even if the Russian army were to be isolated, they would not run very fast, especially around Brisk. They would stage a strong counterattack to stop the enemy. And indeed, as we expected, they took such tactics.

But suddenly things changed. The Russian leaders figured that it would not be possible to hold out, and they started to withdraw, some 200 vyorst. Of course, this took several weeks, and on the way the Russians tried small counterattacks to gain time for the retreating army.

This happened in the month of July, 1915. A disturbance became noticeable in the military divisions that were marching back and forth in Slonim. Several groups of officers came in from Poland and the town acquired an entirely new character. Many homeless people arrived from large cities and small towns in Poland. Even from Bialystok and its vicinity.

The town became very noisy. From a town of 20,000, it became one of 40,000. Everywhere, one encountered the newly arrived guests. They were noticeable on every street in every house. Business in the shops rose because of the presence of military personnel. Store owners took in big sums of money. From the smallest workers to the largest businessman, everyone did financially very well.

But there came a time that no one could have foreseen. The city was filled with tension as every day brought news from the battlefield that the enemy was getting closer to us. But there was not enough time to understand the situation as everyone was busy in the shops earning money, and nothing else was of interest to them. Because of not paying full attention to the situation, many were left on this side, and had to face a "nation of culture", the Germans, and they suffered the unforgettable consequences.

The month of August arrived. The mood in town became more strained. The Russian army slowly started to leave town, traveling into Russia. All city installations were being evacuated. Every day masses of soldiers marched through the city. Some of the residents left the city, going into Russia. But not everyone wanted to leave. And no one knew that there was so little time. And for the shopkeepers, it seemed a pity to leave the business the military personnel brought in. But a small portion of the citizens did leave. The majority of the residents had no intention of going anywhere unless they were forced. The reason for such thinking at that time was as follows:

When the Russian military was present the city seemed to be revived, and business thrived. Nonetheless, there was a great deal of suffering at the hands of the military, mainly the Cossacks who filled the town and who were at times everywhere, and would not leave us in peace.

They bothered the population to such an extent, that it was impossible to stand. Especially, against our brother Jews. Whenever a person turned around he heard the word "Zhid" and "Zhids", and throughout the war arguments were picked with the Jews. "The Jews were the main cause of the war." "They had betrayed Russia in the most dangerous manner."

The Russians bothered the people for every minor act and would make a big scandal, so the people prayed the Germans would get rid of the scourge of the Russian Cossacks. Everyone wanted instead to be with a cultured nation, and a civilized people who be able to appreciate the Jews, at least, as human beings.

During that time the tension grew to a point where the people were counting the days and hours until the time would come that the Russian yoke would cease and the real friends of the Jews would appear. How does the saying go? "Until redemption arrives one could lose his life."

Our sufferings could be compared with the pogroms of earlier days of horror. Wherever the Cossacks came, people shivered at the thought of being robbed, beaten, and made to face outrageous abuses for the most meaningless trifles.

I recall the problem of small change. As soon as you entered a store you heard the soldiers shouting about the shortage of change. Because of the wartime situation and the depression in town, there was a shortage of small change. The soldiers seized this as an excuse to abuse and beat the Jews. We counted the days until they would be gone. The time came at last.

It happened on a Tuesday the first of September, according to the Russian calendar. When we arose in the morning, we heard the news of the events of the night before. There were many changes in the town's administration, such as the police, the post office, and all other various establishments, who had left town during the middle of the night. There were cases of attacks and plundering, all by the Cossacks.

For example, at a textile warehouse, they came and ordered that the gate be opened. As soon as the doors were opened, they dragged out barrels of merchandise which were prepared and ready. In another case they entered a private house and took away the belongings of the owner. Even a ring was taken from the finger of a person. Other such examples had occurred during the course of that night.

In the morning there was a dead silence to the town. Here and there one could see a Russian soldier walking with his rifle looking for something as if he had not yet completed his work. Several files of soldiers marched around as though looking to pick up and benefit from something. The stores were closed that day as the people heard what had happened during the night. Everyone shut himself in his own house, awaiting the arrival of the Germans, who were shortly to appear.

At 10 AM, several bombardments were heard. The retreating Russians started to destroy and burn the bridges on the river and several buildings on the outskirts of the town. When this was heard, everyone became panicky, and no one dared to walk out into the street. People avoided meeting the soldiers as some of them still remained in the city.

The soldiers would not let anyone pass, especially Jews. From time to time strong explosions were heard and it became clear that these were the final moments. The city was like a cemetery, here and there a militiaman runs, keeping order in town. One can see several Cossacks, with rifles on their backs, but it is clear that they are the last ones.

Like everyone else, we were confined at home. People were afraid to be seen in the streets. But several hours passed, and I lost patience for sitting and waiting. I opened the door in order to see what was happening outside. As a result I faced a scolding. As soon as I opened the door, a band of soldiers forced themselves into the house with rifles, and then to the storeroom where they started grabbing anything that came into their hands.

But they did not find a great deal to take since the day before we had packed all the merchandise and hid it in the cellar. Still they found some merchandise that they could use. And each one walked out with a pretty large package. They found us eating dinner, and one of them actually grabbed a silver spoon from the table. To protest would, of course, have been in vain, and we had to be silent until several militia men arrived and removed the soldiers, appeasing them, and obliging them to leave our home.

This was the last time we saw Russian soldiers. Within several hours there was not a trace of them in town. At 3 PM we heard a disturbance on the street, and as soon as we opened the door, we noticed German scouts traveling through the city. Within a period of several hours, we went from Russian rule to German rule. And it happened so fast that no one could believe that no remnant of the Russian soldiers remained and that we were now being subjected to a different influence and a new nation.

What can I tell you? If we had seen the Messiah, the joy would not have been as great as when we saw the Germans marching through the town. Houses and stores immediately opened. People went out to walk in the streets, and everybody came out to greet the newly arrived Germans. In several parts of town, old Jews came out of their houses and kissed the German soldiers. Everybody brought something to treat them with. Bread, butter, whiskey, fish, meat, etc.

People did not know how to express their thanks to the Germans for freeing them from the Russian rule. At last everyone breathed freely. We felt that we were free from the terror of the past. There was indeed a real gladness and as far as the future was concerned, everyone felt that the real redemption was to come and we would be delivered out of all trouble. A celebration was next to come.

But we all made a terrible mistake from the beginning to the end. All that we had suffered until now was minimal in comparison with what awaited us. All that we were to experience was not to be compared with the present moment. Later, no one knew when the end would come or if there would be a salvation for us. Then we were simply disillusioned and doubtful if a better tomorrow would ever come. But now we felt we would soon be able to brush off our fears and the good times would arrive.

But from the first day on, we realized our mistake. We simply felt that since the Germans were in town, the Russians must be far away and we were rid of the shelling. But, it soon became clear that the Russians had not retreated very far. Only to the other side of the river close to town.

Soon we could hear the roar of cannon. At the beginning it seemed to be only unpleasant. It sounded like nuts cracking. But it soon took on a more important tone. The shelling became stronger and turned into shots of artillery. The Germans massed on one side of the city with their artillery, and the Russians on the other side. And massive shelling developed on both sides. This was the first night, from Tuesday to Wednesday.

Satisfied with the news that we had finally gotten rid of the Russians, everyone went to sleep comfortably with a feeling that the time had come to rest after the noise. But the quiet did not last long as a horrible thunder of explosives woke everyone up and soon the repeated shots were so deafening that we simply did not know which world we were in. Then it was quiet for awhile, and again new cracks, as if the walls were cracking. We had to get up and look around to see what was going on around us. It was impossible to walk outside as it seemed that shrapnel was flying over our heads. People felt lifeless, and crawled back into their houses.

By morning the noise slowed down. But no one walked in the streets. Several hours passed and a new terrible shelling started with the banging of cannons. The Russians started a new counterattack, shelling the town to hit the enemy. Standing outside in the streets, it was possible to see shrapnel flying in town. The shrapnel found their victims. There were many such cases, and many sacrifices the town had to suffer. Here a shell fell into a house and destroyed everything in it. Shrapnel might hit a passerby in the street.

So there was plenty of destruction that day. As time passed the situation worsened. The first day was bearable. Some pauses occurred, and we had time to get oriented to where we were. The next day took on a wild character and the battle raged savagely. The Russians would start and the Germans had to answer. And it all happened in our presence. The shelling continued all around the city, and we were forced to endure it either lying hidden in the basement or walking in the streets. We did not know which was the better place to avoid death, in the streets or in the hiding place.

We were unable to find a safe corner. We were mostly in the open, not hidden. This was the advice of several German soldiers and was easier to sustain. We would sit in the open shops with shrapnel flying over our heads. If the shrapnel would fly further from town, it would destroy the area behind the city. When the shrapnel would burst and hit us in town, it would leave many sacrifices.

This is how we survived the few days, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. The next afternoon, it grew quiet and we thought that was the end of the Russians. We thought they had dispersed and there would be no more shelling. But at nightfall, and this was on the eve of Yom Kippur, the Germans demonstrated that the shelling we heard until now could not be compared with the horror we experienced that night. It was indeed the day of judgement. That night the rage spread over the town which was transformed into a battlefront where horrible slaughter took place. The Germans used their force and exerted their strength to push back the Russians and started an assault that night.

I do not know whether there was one house that remained intact. We were all so trembling and it seemed that the house was falling and with it, our poor lives and spirits. The shelling heard in different parts of the city sounded like hail, and it seemed not to have been produced by people, but dropped on us by God. Such thundering and lightning would destroy us in an instant, and everyone was almost sure that no one would be left alive after the night.

People are able to endure, and we were the happy people whose fate was to remain alive after so many dangerous experiences. God helped us, and by dawn, when the shelling stopped and it was quiet, we were all happy to be alive. Later the shelling stopped completely as the Russians retreated through the night 40 or 50 vyorst.

It was a real holiday for us. It was the morning of Yom Kippur. Now that the noise had subsided, everyone attempted to walk out into the streets to find out what the atmosphere was like. We were happy when we saw the first German officers enter the town. It was a beautiful day, and the guests were simply flattered by people. Everyone was breathing easier after the most difficult of experiences, and of course, everyone tried to find out who was missing. For some there was joy. For some, sadness. There were cries and laments from people for the victims who innocently gave their lives.

The town had changed its image. Many houses had been destroyed by grenades. All the factories had been burned by the retreating Russians. You saw that in this town something extraordinary had taken place, a sort of devastation after which we awoke. In spite of the destruction and sacrifices everyone found comfort in the fact that we had got rid of the Russians and we were able to breathe easier. We would not be persecuted as we had been up to now, we marveled.

The Messiah, the Germans, had arrived. We could foresee the real salvation that was now coming to the Jews. What more? It is impossible to express the joy among every one in town. No matter what I write it would not be sufficient. People simply rejoiced. As if the Messiah had come, you could find people who actually believed that redemption had arrived. This was apparent in the first day that they arrived in town, and everybody greeted them and offered them delicious fruits which were then still available. People were delighted to see how the hungry Germans enjoyed everything they were offered and they were very appreciative. People were not used to such politeness. They spoke with gentility and of the last days of how they threw out the Russians, who would not return again.

Anyway, it was simply a pleasure to watch how much enjoyment we derived from the Germans. But if it continued, we shall find out in the following chapters. We should have understood that after this period of adoration a disappointment would follow and our opinion would change. But the change was unforeseeable. I will not mix one with the other. I will make an effort to cover the time of the present systematically, and it will become clear how the situation turned. By trying to expose their bad qualities, I must however pay tribute to them and say some words in their favor.

It became apparent there was indeed a great contrast between the Russians and the Germans. How backwards were the first compared to the second, in many regards. We became aware of the fact that these were soldiers from a culturally refined and serious nation. We had become accustomed to soldiers from a simple nation, a nation far removed from culture and science. The Germans were far superior to the Russian soldiers. Theirs is a nation of high culture and organization. They distinguished themselves not only from the Russians, but also from any other European nations.

All of these merits we noticed as soon as they arrived, which created a very favorable opinion among us. But eventually everything changed. And what we experienced later created among us an entirely different opinion. A complete disappointment. This we will find in the following chapters which I will set up separately.

1. We Are Germans

2. The Joy with the Guests

3. The Disappointment

4. The First Citizens Committee

5. Activities of the Committee

6. My Short Round Trip to Telechan

7. What I Found There

8. My Return

9. A New Meeting

10. I write a letter which is a Mitzvah.

11. I travel to Warsaw

12. Returned and became ill

13. Everything For the Good

14. The activities of the guests

Our first introduction was published the day that the Germans came into the city. It was now forbidden for the civilian population to be in the streets between 8 o'clock in the evening and 6 o'clock in the morning.

At the beginning this was a little difficult. Somehow, we couldn't get used to being shut up in the house in the early evening. But nothing helped. So however we could, we got used to it. As soon as it was after 8 o'clock, everybody eventually found themselves in the house, and they would tell stories of the miracles of the Germans. Little by little, various attributes emerged of German goodness and honesty. And little by little, our opinion of them changed.

For instance, it became clear that they were not strongly trustworthy people. Imagine this scene. They come into a house, the Germans, and they request, for a few days, room and board. Understand that nobody refuses them this. On the contrary, they are very happy that there are in the house a couple of soldiers with whom it is very nice to pass the time.

And they are, in fact, given all the comforts that one usually extends to guests. It happens that they live together for 4 or 5 days, like with their own people, and everybody talks and enjoys each other's company. The end is that in the middle of the night, they go away without a fare thee well. And besides that, if you look closely around the house, you notice that, together with the soldiers, there disappeared from the house a few pillows that they slept on or other household goods. And so, scream "Thief!". Don't try to catch a thief. There is not the slightest sign of them.

Or, for example, they come into a house and they take something for a loan, as they call it. Things that are necessary and they forget, of course, to bring it back. Or they come into a store and they gather together quite a bit of merchandise and they bargain and agree on a price. The storekeeper is quite happy and believes that he is going to receive payment. But he has to wait for a few hours. And at the end there is a signature of some officer who has written in a sum in German which, it turns out, is quite a bit less than what was originally agreed upon. At the beginning the storekeeper was relatively sure of himself, and gave them anything they wanted. But later it happened that someone didn't want to pay, and was not ashamed to take it for nothing. The storekeeper had no recourse because he was afraid they would close his doors altogether.

Only later did it become clear that they can't be trusted. I'm referring to the practices in the store, the fact that chits are not redeemed. They don't see from anybody any money, and it goes on like this without an end. Every day another soldier comes with a chit from another officer and takes merchandise. And no money is ever seen.

So they, the storekeepers, began to guard themselves against this practice. They simply hid their merchandise. And this continues to this very day. It could be that possibly later on money will be realized but the fact remains that they come and pick out merchandise from the storekeeper, tell them to take the package to a particular place and that there he will immediately receive money, and he comes there, and they take their merchandise, and again they give him a chit. And if the storekeeper insists and says that he will not take the chit, they say they are sorry, and close the door in his face.

And as time passed, it got worse and worse. When they first came, they picked out for themselves the best hotels and private residences where they set themselves up. Just like they were at home. Using the accoutrements of the household, like furniture, and other household things without paying even one penny (grosz).

In the hotels many officers stayed and every few days they would leave and others would come and no one paid what the lodging was worth. If the owner asked for payment, scrip or a check was the first thing that was given without hesitation with an open hand.

Everybody who stayed in the hotel gave chits. They piled up and remain to this very day. And besides that, wherever they saw anything in a dwelling that would be useful to them, they immediately took it. And whatever they saw, they seemed to like. It was common that they would go into a place and see a nice bed, a nice table, a mirror, and you would immediately hear: "That can be useful". And it was already taken away. That's how, little by little, they established themselves and began to show us what they were.

One day there appeared an announcement warning the population that care should be given to telegraph wires that are going through the city, because the smallest hindrance, intentional or by accident would be met with a death penalty. The tone of this announcement created such fear in everyone that they began to tremble over every little thing. And the populace began to take on a sadder mood. Every day brings with it a new announcement about requisition of copper, brass, etc. Everybody who has such, no matter how much, should bring it to a particular place and he will get a receipt. After that, there was an announcement about some sort of various materials, like incendiary, or burning materials, fats, leather, etc.

All of this was to be given up for receipt, you understand, and the concealment of such goods would be met with strict penalties. Every day there is more news how they took away from this one a whole trunkful of leather, or by that one, some other merchandise, and for everything they give receipts which they promise will be good money. And they just have to wait, and everything will be paid for. In 14 days there will come a commander to the city, and everything will be paid for. That's what they used to promise. And that's how they dragged out of the city more than 40,000 pieces of goods. Until the people came to their senses and they began to hide everything possible.

To oversee the municipal interest, there was immediately created a citizen's committee and it was an active one. In the span of a few days the city gained a new appearance. From the hands of the Russian administration, the city was given over to the new German authority and one could immediately feel the contrast between one and the other. We were coerced and forced from all sides.

In order to travel anywhere you had to have a pass even to the immediate outskirts of the city. You were not allowed to go in the street after 8 in the evening. In short, we began to slowly feel that we were just like a bird caught in a cage. For every little thing that you had to have permission, you had to have endless dealings.

The citizens committee, which was established the day before the Germans came in, consisted of 10 to 15 members, and also a president, the Polish priest. The day before the Russians retreated, the mayor, the key official of the city, called together the official city militia consisting of 100 young men and instructed them on various things as part of his farewell address. He told them how they should behave, how they should see to the order of the city, that they should remain true, loyal, and should work for the city with its inhabitants who would be at the mercy of the enemy. He expressed his strong hope that quickly they would be reunited, meaning under peaceful conditions. Meanwhile, they should be sure to work loyally on behalf of the city.

As soon as the Russians retreated and the Germans began to appear in the city, the streets were filled with the city militia which now consisted of fewer than 100 men, and they together with the members of the citizens committee began to take the city into their hands and to institute new order. But the facts were actually quite tragic. The shame was that the city suffered much more from these new leaders than from the true enemies, the Germans. This was a native grown enemy, the committee, which besieged the city with the goal of robbing it to enrich themselves of more and more of her goods. Members of the committee consisted of a few Slonim residents, not elected by the city but simply a few of the richer Jewish bourgeoisie, as they were called, who appeared from the first day to take the city into their own hands and do with it whatever they wanted.

Right from the first day, they began, instead of worrying about the interests of the city, which was already in a difficult situation, to concern themselves with their own well being. From the incoming money that would daily flow into the city, they would divide the profits. This was a mutual theft. Each one worried about himself alone, and a free-for-all developed where each one stole, robbed, and swindled for himself.

For example, in order to take out or bring in merchandise from the city you needed a permit issued by the citizens committee with the permission of the commandant. If however someone was caught bringing in merchandise without a permit, the committee confiscated the merchandise and each one took his share. The owner of the merchandise, in addition, got a heavy fine, many rubles, and there was no one to appeal to.

Many times the committee was brought merchandise that was caught being taken out. The merchandise often consisted of brandy, chocolate candies, or other such items that in those days, cost quite a bit. And wherever you met a committeenik or even a militiaman, he had pockets full of chocolates, etc. What do you mean? It is a mitzvah to enjoy contraband. And it happened often that a poor Jew was found taking out such trifles as a few pounds of gas in a bottle or a bottle of oil, or even a few pounds of salt that he brought to take to his village. If they found that he didn't have a permit, they confiscated it all, divided it among themselves, and in addition, fined him as well.

Instead of concerning themselves with the city, for instance, to provide necessities of life that were in short supply, they worried only about getting more and more riches for themselves, thievings and robberies. Every day, one heard stories of new transgressions by these committeemen, and no one could do anything about it.

The citizen's committee was in cahoots with the commandant and whatever they wanted, they could do. There was no one to complain to even about the smallest thing. The supposed authorities of the city did not worry about how these pockets were being lined with community money. And each one stole quite a bit, it was later revealed. Regrettably, they received little punishment for this. They were fined some, but not as much as they should have been. They were also later made part of a new committee. But about this later. Here I stop to describe in detail a journey to Telechan that I took 10 days after the Germans came into the city.

It was around the end of September. One lovely morning, I thought to myself: We don't know what is happening in Telechan, where our whole family lived, my parents, sisters and brothers. Since before the Russians retreated we had heard very little from them. The postal service was already regularized, and yet for quite a while we have had no idea about their situation. I decided to go to Telechan, to find out what was happening there.

Also, there were Rivka's three sons [visiting in Telechan with their grandparents], who she wanted returned home. What the situation was there, we had not the slightest idea. We didn't know if the Germans were already there, or if the jurisdiction there was Russian.

I obtained permission, but then we couldn't get a wagon because all of the wagons in the city were commandeered for military purposes. I, along with another Telechaner, started off by foot. Even though it was quite a far trek, 80 or 90 vyorst, still I very much wanted to know what was going on with the family, whether they were alive or dead. Maybe they had left for Russia, and so I set out.

So I put a coat on my back, packed up all kinds of stuff, bread, a bottle of water, and other such things, and the first day we got as far as Kossova. That's exactly half the distance, about 40 vyorst. We arrived there exhausted. While we were walking we didn't feel it so much. Somehow the force so drove us that we didn't realize where we were until we arrived in the town and we went into an Inn and laid down to rest. Only then did we feel the pain. Our feet felt like stones.

When we got up the next morning, I could not put one foot in front of the other. The other fellow was in better shape than I. He had rested overnight and was ready to continue. But I was not able to overcome the effects of our journey. We began to look around. Maybe there would be a cart that would take us to Telechan, or at the very least, even part of the way.

Meanwhile, as we were asking around the shtetl, we were told that there were in the town a few people who just this week had arrived from Telechan. Of course, we went to them and asked what was happening in Telechan. We were told what had recently happened to the shtetl, to its residents, and where they were now. It was horrible. The tragedy of what had occurred there in recent days exceeded our worse expectations.

In the space of about nine days, the entire town was destroyed. It happened in the following way. One morning in early August of 1915, Russian soldiers appeared in the town. This happened for the first time since the war started. It was understandable since the shtetl was small, and took up a particularly tiny part of the map. You would think this was the safest spot to spend the war.

Actually, people came here from larger cities like Bialystok and Brisk, to get away from the war. During the two years of the war, many homeless families from other places lived in Telechan. Telechan was considered one of the safest places from the enemy, a place that it was not expected the enemy would go. If someone ever said that the Germans would come to Telechan, everyone laughed at him, an impossibility.

It was understandable that the appearance of soldiers in the shtetl was a source of great wonder. There came a few infantrymen, after that a few cossacks, and it became apparent that every day quite a few more soldiers would come, and the citizens realized that they could expect a change of some sort. After a few days they found out that the enemy was quite close and it was possibile they would come to the town.

This, of course, made the population uneasy. No one could imagine the destruction that would soon come. But it happened, on a Tuesday, the same day the Germans came into Slonim. Several Russian soldiers, according to an order from their superiors, began to drive the inhabitants out of the shtetl. They were given ten minutes to leave their houses and go to the other side of the river, next to the shtetl.

After evacuating the town, according to an order of the authorities, the shtetl was to be burned completely, just as it was, and the inhabitants were to be removed to the side where the Russians were retreating. In ten minutes, people couldn't take even the smallest part of their belongings. And they had to run for their lives, because to remain one extra second would be dangerous. The soldiers were going from house to house and driving out the people who were trying to take things. If there was any opposition, they were threatened with guns. After ten minutes, there was not a living soul left in the town. Everyone went to the designated place on the other side of the river.

Imagine the exodus from Egypt where people had to leave, not taking even the smallest thing needed for daily life. If I had been there in person, and had seen it with my own eyes, I would have more material to write about. Unfortunately, I must make the best simply with what I was told.

This wasn't simply an evacuation but a destruction that was poured on this town. You've heard of situations where towns close to the front were evacuated and then burned down. In those cases, there was at least time to allow people to take their possessions. I don't envy their situation, but at least they could take what they owned to wherever they were going.

There were dispatches in the Russian press pointing out what a horrible thing had happened in Telechan. Imagine one day soldiers appearing, quite unexpectedly, and giving strict orders that in ten minutes that not a soul should remain in the shtetl. They then began to chase and throw out all the people without letting them take even the smallest thing. When people tried to take something, it was torn from their hands, and they were threatened every minute to be shot, if they didn't obey

The tumult arose over the whole shtetl, people running hither and yon, mothers looking for their small children. They were in different corners of the city. Children looking for their parents, this person looking for that one, asking if they knew about anybody else. A chaos of people on the streets who didn't know themselves where they were going. Cries and troops were heard on all sides. A child, screaming at the top of her lungs, is not moving from the spot. Children are running around calling "Momma" and wondering where they should go.

The Cossacks are doing their thing, running around on horses with swords in their hands chasing people. You have no choice, you have to go. Within a few minutes the entire shtetl, with children, was on the other side of the river near the forest. People checked to make sure all the members of the family were there. You can imagine it was not a quiet time with small children in the open air not knowing what to do.

Most people had nothing at all, a pillow, a change of clothes, or a bite to eat. There was nothing in which children could sleep. Children were crying and screaming. Thus passed the whole day. The people then went to sleep under the trees as night fell. No one wanted to leave the spot because they hoped to be allowed to return to the shtetl. If this couldn't be achieved under the Russians, then maybe the Germans would come soon and they could negotiate with them.

Meanwhile, in the surroundings there was a dead stillness, no sounds of shooting. Nothing could be seen except since early evening the entire shtetl began to burn on all sides. You can imagine what the people felt in their hearts as they lay there in the open field watching as everything they possessed disappeared, and they were not permitted to go over and try to rescue anything.

Cries and screams of both young and old were heard in the fields. The Jews and their families were mourning their old home, their own corner, where they were raised and lived, their trade, and their way of making a living, and now, in front of their eyes it was all being destroyed. The terrible fire that they saw in the distance was swallowing everything they had, destroying everyone's home, where they had lived in peace.

So, in great pain and suffering they survived the first night. In the morning, an order was issued that they should move farther from the shtetl, and go deeper into the forest along with the retreating army. Some who had a horse and cart were not so bad. They could take the small children or the weaker ones. But most did not have means to ride and had to walk. Whole families with their many children and old people shlepped for a few vyorst on foot, each with a bundle on his back. Some carried a couple of small children, another helped an old man to walk, another had on his back some packages with some food, or a pillow or clothing or some small things that they were able to rescue.

Those who saw it describe it as like the exodus from Egypt. After they had gone about 3 or 4 vyorst they found a place in the forest where the entire shtetl spread out like one household. They began slowly to establish some sort of order, especially to find some place for the small children to sleep. This was done by the women.

The men went to the nearest villages to find something to eat. And when they brought back a few pounds of bread, everyone fell on it like wolves. So they had to institute measures to divide the bread and give everyone his share. That's the way it was with bread. But with potatoes there was no shortage. They would go to the nearest field and pick many potatoes and cook them on fires, and satiate themselves with that.

So in this manner passed three days. It turned out that this next day was Yom Kippur. I imagine that this day will remain in the memories of every single person who was there forever, especially when it happened on such a day as Yom Kippur. The crowd that day felt even more despondent than ever. Somehow, everyone was reminded of their position in the world, and in what bitter circumstances he found himself on this Yom Kippur begging forgiveness for his sins from God, and remembering past years.

Everyone sat spread out around the fire. According to a decree from the Rabbi, they all made fires and cooked something to eat. Of course, they gathered a minyan and they spent the whole day davening, and they said the lovely Yom Kippur prayers with great fervor. Just as if I had been there, I can see it in front of my eyes, all standing under the open sky, wrapped in their Tallisim, and heartily davening, as if, just for the moment, they forgot where they were, and what their condition was. Each one davening with so much heart, so much passion. As if they wanted the day to go on and on in order perhaps to forget the sorrows and sufferings they found themselves in.

Then evening came which brought some news. From evening on, they began to notice that on the road from the shtetl came large number of soldiers. Every second came various officers on the road from the shtetl and it appeared that the enemy was approaching and the soldiers were retreating. The soldiers addressed them and gave them orders to move more quickly away because the enemy is nearing this spot. And the situation became clear. And everyone's heart began to pound with fear, but together with the fear there awakened a hope of possible rescue.

Nobody considered to obey the orders of the soldiers which were to go to the nearest railroad station about 50 vyorst away. Each was considering how to hide in the forest until the enemy would come and then to return home. They knew that practically the whole shtetl had burned in the fire, but each one nevertheless was drawn home, at least to get a look at the destruction and the places that were more dear to them than other places.

They then moved into the forest in order to wait the last few hours before going back home. They hoped that this would not take very long because the last groups of soldiers were already leaving and told them that the Germans were already in the shtetl proper.

When it was quite dark, they began to hear scattered shots, and this created a great fear. But it didn't last very long and they thought that everything was over. But it became known that the whole crowd was hiding in the woods, so a platoon of soldiers began to chase them so that they should go more quickly further on, because the enemy is already here. They began to hitch the horses to the wagons. People went this way and that. Some went deeper into the forest, others took the road following the soldiers. And so they were spread out, and actually, in the same family some remained in the forest, and some went with the soldiers.

In the great confusion they were divided into two groups. As it later turned out, one part remained here with the Germans and the other went further into Russia. Of those that went to Russia, we don't know anything because after the separation we didn't see them again. [For more on the fate of those that went into Russia, read the memoirs of Fanya Yeverechyahu.] Of those that remained this is what happened.

In the tumult no one knew who was who, those that remained went deeper into the forest to remain until the Germans would come and then they would go back to the shtetl. They remained in the forest, and later when it remained quiet for a time, they sent a few people to find out what was going on. How great was their joy when they came back and reported that they had seen two Germans with their pointed helmets. After that, a few Germans came and you can imagine the people's joy when they were told they could go peacefully back to the shtetl, that the Russians were far away.

After so much suffering, living for five days in the open fields with small children, not having enough to eat or where to rest their head, when they were told they could go back home, everyone joyfully picked up his bundle and marched back home.

They encountered complete destruction. The Russians were not stingy with fire. The shtetl was ignited from all four sides so that 90 percent of the houses were totally burned up. There remained only a few isolated houses, a few without walls, that survived the fire. There were a few houses that they had to make as their homes, and they huddled in them any way they could, and they thanked God for them. What would have happened if there had not been even one house? They would have had to remain in the forest.

About a third of the population returned from the forest and whose fate now was to remain with the Germans. Their joy was unmitigated. It was no small thing to have to follow the Russians further into Russia, and for what? And for whom? Who did they have there? Who knows where they would find themselves, where they would be wandering? In the woods, each one thanked his lucky stars he had at least remained on this side.

All of this was told to us by one who had recently come from Telechan to Kossova. He was at that time actually there in Telechan and lived through all of the trouble I have described, but then he came here where he lived. His story made a strong impression on me. And all the time I did not have any idea what was happening at home. I had no clear idea what had happened to our family. He did not know them at all and did not know whether they were among those who had remained here or who had gone into Russia.

I was so exhausted, having gone by foot as far as Kossova, but the story provided me with fresh strength, and instinctively, I had the energy to go on further. After a few hours we continued on our way.

Half the way from Kossova to Telechan, not more than 25 vyorst, we stopped in a village where I met more people who gave me more details of what had happened. This was Mrs. M, and also my acquaintances R of the family, who were also there but at the time of the tumult they accidentally got separated from our family with whom they had been together the whole time. And so they were among the ones who remained here.

From them I learned quite specifically who remained here and who went there. Here I first learned that my whole family, my parents, sisters and brothers and others in the family all remained on the other side. On this side remained only a cousin of mine, Rosa, with her husband and child. They were the only three left from our house. Upon hearing this, I was so moved, I sat down and cried like a child. It made a terrible impression on me, hearing the stories of how everything had been destroyed, and not even a small piece of our houses or survivors had been left. Everything had burned.

Even the factory in the shtetl which provided a living for about half of the residents was destroyed totally. When they left the shtetl they left everything whole, but when they returned they found everything in ashes. All thanks to the retreating Russian army.

Hearing this in the village, I had nothing or no one to go to, maybe I should turn back. I didn't want to hear this however, and if there had been then 25 or more vyorst remaining, I would not have hesitated. But I very much wanted to see with my own eyes my dear old home town. I wanted to at least look at the remaining stones from the destruction. There should at least remain a trace in my memory of my once dear home.

I will not soon forget the picture that greeted me when I came into the shtetl. It was a Friday evening when, exhausted, with our last energy, we finally somehow got to the shtetl. Mortally tired from walking, in the last few vyorst we traversed without even feeling our feet, a few vyorst before arriving at the shtetl we saw the first signs of the destruction.

We didn't see the tall iron chimney of the factory that was always visible before everything else. And now it was fallen down and half burnt. When we got into the shtetl proper we saw the true extent of the destruction. We couldn't tell where streets were because there was not a single house left standing. It seemed that everything was one piece of debris. Here and there were a few chimneys or ovens, and one could imagine where headstones or stone walls were in the cemetery. Here were a pile of stones, there a hill of old burned irons, or tin tools that the Germans didn't bother to collect. In the distance, there were a few houses that were standing lonely in a field.

We went through the streets to try to identify familiar places. Here was the old shul, and here used to be the bathhouse. Here was the street, I think, where the market was and here was where the Russian church was. We began to recognize where we were and at every place we didn't want to leave. Somehow, every piece of rubble was dear to us. Each place was tied to various old memories. We could fall to the ground to the stones and kiss them without stopping.

And then we came to the spot where our house stood, and it was simply unrecognizable. I could recognize absolutely nothing. Where was the entrance? What happened to the beautiful garden that encircled the house? Like a high headstone, the lonely chimney stone which remained whole, and around it are mountains of various burned up household goods and things. I got oriented and looked at each room separately of our old dear home. Here many memories came over me from every corner of the house and it's no surprise because I left this house when I was 17 or 18 years old and it was there that I was raised and spent all of my childhood life and every corner generated memories, great and small.

Here was the big dining room. There the hall, there the bedrooms. And then I saw the spot that was the site of my beloved room where I had recently lived and where I always liked to sit at the open window and stare out into the streets and daydream. This created in me a terrible yearning for that time when I lived here so freely and happily, without worries, without suffering, always happy and cheerful. Always that way, always having a good time, especially in the last few years when I would come for a few weeks to visit. It was horrible to see what had become of all this.

I sat there so long that I couldn't bear to leave. Every nook and cranny was so beautiful to me, so dear. I wanted to sit on the stones and mourn their destruction like Jews had once mourned the destruction of the holy temple. And this destruction wasn't so different, only that the other one was mourned by a whole people and this was just a small corner for a small group of Jews, who all their years had lived in this shtetl and now they so pitifully had to leave their dear places and wander with their kin in distant lands with all their possessions destroyed. The destruction of our town is one of the saddest episodes of my life.

Of my family, as I had mentioned earlier, I met only my cousin Rosa. Their house, quite accidentally and remarkably, had remained whole and they were living there as before. When I arrived and went inside, they were amazed. They couldn't understand how I had gotten there. For some time they had heard nothing from me, so they didn't know where I was, and suddenly I appeared.

There were so many experiences, they finally saw one of their own people with whom they could share everything that had happened. From them I learned all the details of the recent events. They had so much to tell, that we sat that evening maybe until about 2 o'clock in the morning. They told me of all the miracles and marvels that they had lived through, especially the suffering they survived during the few days they were in the forest, not having a place to lie down, and having to deal with a small child. And in the middle of it all being separated from one another, and from other members of the family, and of not knowing what had happened to anybody. However, they were happy that they had remained on this side. They could imagine no worst fate than to leave and schlepp further with the Russians. No one could imagine that here it could be worse than there as it turned out later to be. They were very happy that, at the moment, they were rescued from Russia and safe with the Germans.

There remained in the shtetl about 70 or 80 families who were put up in the few remaining houses. There was a shortage of necessities, but they quickly found a solution. One went to the town near the shtetl, and there they found good fortune. The goyim there had gone with the Russians and left everything behind. Many had hidden and buried flour and things like that but everything was found. Quite enough to provide for everybody.

Soon there was talk that in a short while everyone would be forcibly removed from the shtetl. Because it was so close to the front it was considered dangerous to keep everybody there and it was thought they would be sent to different shtetlach and towns. And that's the way it was. On the third or fourth day after my arrival the commandant made known that there was a danger that the Russians would recapture the shtetl, so that the population would have to be sent out. This was to be carried out in a few days. They were told that on a particular day there would arrive a company of wagons and everybody would be removed, with each family given a wagon for their use.

Tumult arose, even though it had become apparent in the last few days that it was impossible to remain in the shtetl. Quite close by, shells flew over the shtetl. Every minute there was danger that shells would land in the shtetl, but no one wanted to leave his home to wander to alien districts. They would risk everything just to remain, tempting fate. But there was no alternative. The Germans apparently believed that it was dangerous to keep the population so close to the front, 2 or 3 vyorst from the shtetl. Meanwhile, everyone from small to big was made to work digging potatoes from the field for the Germans.

The wagons arrived and the population began to ready themselves for the journey. Each family was given a wagon, but for many of them this was too little. There were still many families who had a lot of things to take along. But then it was ruled that they would be permitted to take along only the most necessary things, the most important things, so they loaded as best they could and there began a procession of wagons with about 70 families. Each family was counted and their names written down.

A few families, including that of my cousin, who had rented their own wagons, were permitted to go wherever they wanted to. They went off to Pinsk where they figured they would be able to settle more properly, rather than in a little town somewhere. They went there, and I went with the other wagons on the road to Slonim.

Not everybody could go in the wagons, because that's where everybody's belongings were, and the children were squeezed in however possible, but the men were forced to go on foot. It was about 2 in the afternoon when we left the shtetl.

Here is a horrible picture of wagons carrying families. Imagine a picture of a train of wagons, each carrying a family with their belongings out of their old home to where, they knew not. Children sat in the wagons not knowing where they were going and why they were being shlepped, and they looked in wonder at their distraught parents who seemed totally demoralized and each in his own way was silently saddened and sighing seeing the difficult and sad situation.

At nightfall, we arrived at the first town which was 10 vyorst from the shtetl. It was quite dark when the wagons arrived there. Everybody stopped at an open place near the town and there were a few large barns where we could stay until daylight, and then continue. The weather was quite nice so everyone spread out on the fields, lit fires and were sitting and talking. Everyone complained about the terrible situation. They remembered past times when everyone in the shtetl lived peacefully and happily. Nobody was very wealthy, but they were always able to get by, not worrying too much about making a living.

Now they were so far from their homes, everyone's little fortune that they had owned was ruined, and who were forced to wander who knows where? And for what reason? The night passed and in the morning they set out again.

After about 10 vyorst they came to a town at which they stopped to rest and eat lunch. They spread out in an open field near the town and each prepared lunch which consisted of potatoes that they had dug up on the road. But the journey was too slow. I thought that I should leave them and go on further, and that's what I did.

By nightfall I came to another town which was 10 vyorst from Kossova. There quite accidentally I met a German officer who was very interested in my journey and he asked all kinds of questions and afterwards he recommended a place where I could spend the night. This was with a Jewish soldier who not long ago had been captured from the Russians. He was a tailor, he remained there in their colony which was in that town. He lived in a small peasant's house along with two German soldiers. When I came in I found him at his work. He also began to ask me all kinds of things about the war.

Maybe one could hear about peace, for which he was yearning greatly. Afterwards, he told me about himself, how he recently became a prisoner in a small town near Kobrin. He was from Lonzha where he had a wife, a child, and also his parents. During the time he was here, of course, he had no word from them, and they had no idea what had become of him. "They must think", he said, "that I am certainly long dead because they haven't heard from me". He asked if I had any suggestions as to how to make his family aware of his situation. When I told him I was going to Slonim and that I could send a letter to his home, he wanted to hug me out of great joy. He didn't know how to begin to thank me and what to do for me. I was actually saving his life. His young wife would thereby get word of him.

After I had rested a little from the journey, I took a piece of paper and began to write a letter to his wife. It was apparently difficult for him to write for he asked me if I would write it down. I wrote a long letter letting her know the way everything was with him. He was happy when I read him the letter. He brought me various things to eat and gave me a place to sleep, and I laid down to sleep.

The next morning he wouldn't let me go until I had breakfast with him. He accompanied me for a little way, as far as he was permitted to go, and then we separated. I promised that I would mail the letter as soon as I could, and later when I arrived, I did so. I arrived in Slonim on the third day.

I did not find in Slonim any exceptional news. Everything was almost as it had been. Here I was awaited with great impatience and they looked forward to receiving good words from home. But I brought them very sorrowful news. No one of our family had remained in Telechan, and even Rifka's three children had gone over there. Several days passed while I rested from my walk. And then I made an interesting journey to Warsaw where I went for a short business trip. Civilians were not allowed to travel by train, so I traveled by wagon. Here I experienced an incident which I feel is worth relating.

To travel from Slonim to Warsaw by wagon, about 225 vyorst is certainly not an easy task. One goes by way of Bialystok. I already had a wagon which was going in this direction, but unexpectedly I found an automobile which was headed there. The chauffeur would take me along for a certain price. I was very glad that instead of riding three days, I would reach there in three hours. The chauffeur agreed on the price of 20 marks and I went with him.

He came to my house, picked up my suitcase and asked me to meet him on the outskirts of town. After driving 70 vyorst we were suddenly stopped near Volkovysk. I was not aware that civilians are not allowed to travel with the military. I was sitting comfortably in this closed automobile with several soldiers going home for vacation. The controller noticed a civilian and asked if I had permission to travel in this auto. When he heard that I did not possess such permission, I was ordered to leave this automobile. I begged to be allowed to stay, but there was no mercy.

The driver and I were sent back to the city to the commandant's office where I was interrogated about every detail of this trip. He asked for an explanation. How did I find the truck? I told him the story how I left Slonim, met the soldier and made an agreement about the price, not knowing that such transactions are absolutely forbidden. The clerk wrote down all I told him. He checked my suitcase but did not find any suspicious objects. Then, he talked with the driver who was terribly afraid as he knew what punishment awaited him.

After waiting for a long time, I was called to come before the judge who requested that I tell him the story. And my penalty was to pay 20 marks. I tried to appeal. Since I did not know the rules, why did I have to be punished. Again, I tried to bargain with the judge, telling him that I agreed to pay the soldier 20 marks, but that Bialystok is only half way, so I should only have to pay one half. The judge liked my story, burst out laughing and told the clerk to take just 10 marks.

I paid and went back to find a wagon to travel again. I did not know what happened to the chauffeur. When I returned from Warsaw, I found out what happened to the soldier. I was called by the judge to answer the questions over again. The soldier was sentenced to one year in prison, but he would only serve after the war.

From Volkovysk I left by wagon to Bialystok, and the trip to Warsaw was an easy task. There were many closed carriages for four or six persons. It was pleasant to travel. The roads were in good condition and the horses were running fast. Often we stopped in a village or small town to rest a bit. And then we went on traveling.

In this way we arrived in Warsaw and first noticed the destroyed iron bridges over the Vistula. It was impossible to cross on those bridges. We crossed on wooden bridges that the Germans had built as soon as they arrived. It was terrible to see the huge bridges that had been destroyed and lay sunken deep into the river Vistula. I noticed many changes in the city proper. I remained there two weeks and had a very enjoyable time. Many of my friends had left for Russia. Only a few were left, and together we had a wonderful time.

I then returned by the same route to Slonim which took almost an entire month. The return trip was very tiresome. From Warsaw to Bialystok was all right. The merchandise I purchased I shipped with other wagons, and I traveled by carriage. But from Bialystok to Slonim, I had to bear great difficulties. Traveling by wagons with the merchandise in bad weather, rains, winds and snow, I recall one night when snowing made it impossible to travel.

After traveling about 10 vyorst from Bialystok, we were caught in a terrible storm. The entire road was covered with snow, and it was impossible to continue traveling. The driver and I and the others who were traveling with us by wagon, just got off the road looking for nearby roads. We simply pushed the wagons by hand. They moved very heavily in that deep snow which fell for several hours and was very high.

Finally we reached a village which was about 20 vyorst from Bialystok. There we spent the night at a farmer's house and remained there the following day. It was just impossible to continue on the road. Only on the third day we started moving further. We left Bialystok for Slonim and instead of three days, we traveled six. This trip was very exhausting. I was sick for several days, and my health problem then became really serious, and I spent four weeks in bed.

During the time I was sick, many changes occurred in town. My being sick proved to be beneficial for me. I would have been sent away as it happened with several hundred young men who were sent away out of town.

Other tales about the Germans and their activities here in town, I shall describe separately, and in great detail.

Moshe Lansdorf

Elections for a new Citizens Committee

New Committee Members

Mayor Kramen

Head of Police, Kemppe

Shooting a Spy

Taking Down The Hat

Role of the Girls

The Summary of the First Year

My Personal Experiences

The Acquaintances

I am a Militiaman

Kramen's Secret

The New Mayor

My Third Military Conscription

The New Acquaintances

Lecturers And Reading

It happened several days after I returned from Warsaw. An announcement from the commandants' office stating that all young men, ages 18-45 must report at a designated place. It was a Saturday when all young men gathered at a huge place.

Married men were separated from singles, and a count was taken. Everyone was anxious to know the reason for this event. They expected to be sent somewhere, but after a while, all were released. They were advised that if they were called again, everybody had to report on time.

In a short time, in December 1915, there appeared another announcement that all young men must appear, not where they had previously met, but in the large synagogue.

There were several Germans registering each person. The men were kept and not allowed to leave. Several soldiers guarded the young men, and the crowd was growing larger and larger. Obviously, no one was anxious to join. Many did not report, and in that way remained in town. There was a gathering of about 500. Some were sent away. All men were taken to a separate building where they stayed overnight, and were to be shipped out the next morning.

It was clear that their tactics were fraudulent which later caused lots of grief to the townspeople. It simply turned out that many young men of wealthy parents were drafted. The parents bribed the chief of the militia with extensive sums of money, asking that their sons be set free, and others go in their place. So while everyone was sitting and waiting, many of the wealthy young men slowly disappeared.

The following day, militiamen were sent out to pick up recruits as the quota had to be filled. By the evening, those young men the Germans met in the streets were surely not to be envied. They were picked up, and the truth is, if anyone was able to pay off the particular supervisor, he was let free. And instead, a young man had to go even though they were first released by the Germans. These events should be reported, as they reflect very sad facts.

It became known that all those drafted were being sent to Germany and this brought a depressed feeling to our town. Young husbands were taken away from their wives, young sons from their parents. Cries of lament were heard all over town, but there was no change or help. The same day, all draftees were shipped to Germany.

I was sick at the time. I sympathized with these young men. I was somewhat satisfied when I fell ill and would not fall into their hands. The German staff was informed of my sickness. I had to present a doctor's certificate. I was visited regularly by this doctor, and in this way, I remained at home.

After the young men had left, the mood in town was extremely depressed, and the Germans acquired more and more enemies. As a matter of fact, people started saying how much better life was under Russian rule. And slowly the general opinion changed about the Germans, and in time hate toward them grew.

Time passed, and it happened that the chief of the Slonim militia, H. Polansky, was sent to prison together with another Slonim resident. The story was that on the way to Bialystok, they carried letters with them, which was strictly forbidden, and they were punished by being sent to Lansdorf, where they spent from five to six months. This created a stir in town and all efforts to free them failed. They were sent away and there was fear in town of being punished for the smallest and most insignificant deeds.

But many people in town enjoyed the punishment of H. Polansky. He had many, many enemies during the time he was chief of the militia especially because of his recent actions, selling out young people as draftees to Lansdorf. He freed some and sent others in their place. He imposed unjust orders which many people did not forget. When he was sent away many had the feeling of revenge, and everywhere, joyful voices were heard. But for those who did not have dealings with him, his being sent away touched them deeply. The mood in town was quite strained.

The situation in town deteriorated. The Germans caused hardships on the community. They requisitioned materials that were important to them. They called men for day labor, without pay. Nor did they feed them. They threw out homeowners from their homes and used the houses for military personnel.

The Germans occupied hotels without paying and required different services. They issued vouchers which were never covered by payment. The Germans took furniture from different homes, and besides using it in town, they would ship it to the German front, and even to Germany. A German might like a bed, a table, a piano or other such items, and it would disappear. All these events were painful, and the situation was quite unfavorable.

Still they were not as grievous as the actions of some of the Jewish leaders of the town, and of the committee members who caused much trouble in town as every one of them tried to get rich, rather than pay attention to the town's problems where much help was needed. They did not worry about these important problems. Every day brought new arguments against these cruel leaders who were making every effort to increase their own benefits.

The townspeople started to look for ways and means to rid themselves of those leaders who they had personally chosen. At last, a group of young people was organized. They started calling the people to find ways to fight against those leaders. They spread the word in the synagogues where they delivered fiery speeches proving all the wrongdoings of the leaders.

Shortly word of this reached the town's management and the mayor. They started to spread propaganda. People were urged to select a new committee which might alleviate the problems, before the situation became truly tragic. Immediately, two sides were created. One consisted of Chasidim. Ten Chasidic candidates were selected. All of them were thought to be honest, and they were prominent citizens.

The second class consisted of working people. They called themselves democrats who hoped to take over management of the city, and in that way deliver the town from the robbers' hands. They presented 10 candidates who they thought appropriate.

Quarrels and agitation now started in the town and among the people. The Chasidic group tried to influence the people to work for them. They, the aristocrats, promised to save the people from all their troubles. The second slate, the workers, promoted their own candidate and revealed the thievery and other horrible acts committed by the previous committee. All of them delivered speeches in the synagogue, and brought out the facts, and many found out secrets which were brought to light.

One candidate promised that the new slate of which he was a member would do everything possible to protect the town from the bourgeois burden under which they had been suffering for many months. And so the propaganda and agitation spread until the time arrived for the new elections.

Both sides printed notes with the names of their candidates and distributed them in the streets, to whomever they met. Everywhere, crowds of people were meeting and agitating. The majority favored the democratic party which seemed to be more active and helpful than the Chasidim. And they promised great achievements for the town. The results of the election showed that the democrats had many more votes and thus they were installed as the elected candidates of the town.

Everybody fervently hoped that the situation would change. Those elected candidates seemed to be devoted to the affairs of the town, rather than to themselves. The town needed their attention and help and there was hope that the situation would change for the better.

Among the newly elected leaders were several young men, bachelors, who had been active on the democratic side and now they became the main leaders of this party. But certain events brought the truth to light.

It seemed that the temptation of money was irresistible. They simply forgot who they were and what they had previously represented, and as soon as they became active in communal affairs, their principles disappeared. At first, they nibbled. Then they took a bit more, which they found delicious, and at last their eagerness took on a wild character. It happened with the newly elected candidates of the committee as it had with the others. As soon as they had arrived, they saw opportunity to gather substantial capital for themselves. The income was quite large and the vault was open to each of them.

So it was very attractive and easy to accumulate large sums in various ways. They soon forgot who they actually were. Instead of keeping their promises to concern themselves with the town's affairs they thought only about themselves. The situation worsened each day. Bread became more expensive, and so did other daily products. And then no food was available. If they were given the chance to buy food products at reasonable prices, they sold them to the city at prices three times what they had paid.

I'm not exaggerating when I say that if the price of a barrel of grain was four rubles, they sold it at ten rubles, or even higher. Of course, the balance of the money remained in their hands. If it was difficult for them to process such transactions, they would arrange among themselves partnerships with their manager the mayor of the city, a German officer, with whom they would divide the profits, and things would go along quietly and in order.

A period of time passed and the community realized that the change in the committee did not bring any benefits. Among the newcomers were several honest people who were taking care of the town's affairs. They probably tried to change a lot, but the young leaders, through various tricks, tried to avoid all opportunities for change so that these few honest persons resigned from leadership not being able to stand the injustices committed.

They avoided bringing it all into the open as the mayor of the city was involved and shared in these dirty transactions. They simply did not want to antagonize him. And this is how the city remained in the hands of these low characters, who mismanaged the affairs of the town and the situation grew worse by the day.

The mayor, who at first appeared to be an honest man, had shown concern for the town's affairs, but afterwards, seeing that this was an opportunity to benefit himself, he started working with the committeemen, and under a mask pretending to be the benefactors, together they committed such violent acts, that it is impossible to believe, unless one was a witness to it.

When the citizens realized the gravity of the situation and rumors started circulating about the committeemen, it did not take long until all these actions reached the high German leaders, and they suffered greater punishment than the previous candidates of the former committee.

Now, they bore greater shame, for this time their deeds were openly discovered, especially the actions of the mayor. Their problem did not end as easily as the previous candidates. They had plenty of benefits and profits, but details will follow. Wanting to relate events systematically, I will tell in detail what happened first.

Now I would like to write about the activities of the Police Chief, K.E., who was in power for some time, and I shall describe the city woes that he caused.

This was a German army officer, tall, a healthy man with big black whiskers, and a penetrating look. He had the appearance of a grim Polish individual, so that every Jew shivered, just looking at him. When he raised his voice, the very earth trembled. He used to shout so loud that his voice seemed not human, but that of a wild animal. And he loved to scream. Wherever he went, one could hear his shouting.

When a person did not greet him fast enough, or one did not yield the way letting him pass, this man would shout. In many instances, he was not satisfied with screaming, but had to punch people in the face.

People accepted these abuses as they were unable to put up resistance, for he was the king of the town. He was the Police Chief. He had under him an officer of a lower rank, and ten soldiers assigned to the city districts. He taught them to follow in his footsteps. In time, he took over management of the city police. The militiamen also suffered from his actions. He treated them as he did the rest of the city residents.

He would give strict orders to make requisitions, for instance, to provide workers for various projects which had to be exactly executed. And if it was not done precisely according to his orders, the militiaman was stripped of his armband, slapped, and sent home. There were problems with workers, and again his actions showed his ugly character.

In a short while, after the Germans arrived in town, new orders were given to recruit all men of the community for work around the town. Every day, it was necessary to bring in fifty to sixty workers, and sometimes even more. It was the obligation of the police to provide this work force, selecting several persons from each district. An order was established, and everyone had to serve every eight days, and sometimes every tenth day. Whoever did not want to work could pay off someone who was willing to do this work.

The workers were not paid for this work, and it was the obligation of every male, from 17 to 45 years old. This went on for some time. Whoever wanted to work himself could do so. Or he would hire someone for several marks. It only happened once a week.

The people had arguments regarding this matter. Why should they work without being paid? If people were to produce, they should be paid, they argued. But when the order to report to work came, nothing could be done. And people would be punished if they refused.

A certain length of time passed by and the chief of police saw an opportunity for him to get money out of the citizens. He arranged that if someone did not want to go to work, he could pay 1.50 marks, and he himself would furnish workers and with the money collected, he would pay them. For that purpose, he sent out daily orders, so that now, every man had to go to do this work every three or four days. This way more money flowed into his treasury every day. He would not hire even half the workers he used, as it was not necessary to bring in this many workers.

But this did not last long, and the situation worsened. Now that more workers were required, he chose to send out notices to everyone to report for work, without any delay, or pay 1.50 marks. Less than half showed up for work which was generally either chopping down trees in the woods, or transporting felled trees.

Only half of the required number of workers showed up since many of the men were unable to perform such heavy physical work, and others had businesses to attend to, and could not leave their duties and go to work. They were forced to pay the 1.50 marks every day. Work orders were sent to every man in town. A week passed. Work orders are still being sent and people have to pay the fines. Certainly, if everyone had appeared for work, one half would have been sent home as there was not enough work for all, but the purpose was to extort money from the citizens.

It later became clear that one third would have been sufficient to complete the work. A week passed and everyone continued paying. The community started looking for a way out of this burden borne by everyone. To go to work was impossible for many, and to make payments was equally difficult.

The people complained bitterly until their complaints reached the higher authorities. Now the entire problem of work was turned over to the citizens committee. The mayor now changed the process. It had become clear that it was unnecessary to keep this many workers for a day. A third was sufficient, or even less. Also, a ruling was established that those who refused to work would pay into the treasury a certain amount of money, and those who put in a days work would receive their earnings.

And again an order was established and a person had to work once a week and occasionally more. In time the system worked pretty well. A pity that the change did not come sooner, and that the above mentioned K.E. managed to squeeze several thousands of marks from the city. He now remained in town for several months but he lost courage and people were not as troubled by him as they had been before.

In this connection, it's worthwhile to report on the shootings of Russian spies which I witnessed several times. This took place during the first year of the German presence. Every day brought fresh news that spies had been apprehended or runaways or prisoners who wanted to return to Russia and suspicious persons who, without a trial, were sentenced to be shot to death.

Several times we watched processions moving through the streets in which those who had been sentenced to death were led to their executions. The execution place was on the outskirts of the town and was covered with graves of mostly innocent people. Often one could see two, three or more sentenced to death, or sometimes more, their hands put in chains, and a large crowd of soldiers with weapons and rifles accompanying them. This proved how many were sentenced. With each of those doomed souls, there were eight soldiers.

I remember an incident when six of these spies were led, surrounded by 48 soldiers, to that place of execution. A man received eight bullets, which obviously killed him instantly. Their eyes were covered, they were put in one line, and after several minutes the reading of the verdict was performed by a religious person. In several minutes, soldiers started shooting and those of the sentenced fell, like cut down bundles of straw. The judge who issued the verdict was always present at these executions. And with a clear conscience he leisurely returned home where probably new condemned were awaiting their fate. He did indeed have many such sacrifices, and victims, who were routinely executed by the same means.

To draw a moral for the general public, an announcement would appear to inform the citizens about it and permission was given to witness the executions. There were always big crowds watching the routine procedures. The next day an announcement would appear about the executions and the reasons for them, always citing the same sins, mainly spying. Unfortunately, there were many innocent people who met this fate.

People simply did not look for detailed explanations for the reasons, considering this sort of death the fastest and surest.

Listen. A new order for all male inhabitants. When meeting an officer they must yield the way and take off their hats. This rule came into effect several months after the Germans' arrival. They could not stand people being indifferent or not greeting them after meeting them. Such announcements were published. If this rule was not obeyed, people were punished.

Many gave in, as they had no alternative. As soon as one met an officer one stepped away instantly, and removed one's hat, but many were unable to accept this rule, and paid for it dearly. Someone is walking on the street. Suddenly an officer appears. Not paying attention at that moment, or doing it intentionally. There were cases not noticed by the officer. However, there were officers in town who gave a great deal of attention to this matter, and in the event a man did not remove his hat when encountering an officer, he was beaten with the hands and with the sticks that the officer carried around.

And it didn't make any difference if it was a young boy or an older man who did not recognize the passing of the officer. Besides being beaten, they would be taken to the mayor's office and punished separately. All this was done to men, but women were treated in a much more favorable manner.

It is also important to relate the role of the young women handling the Germans in matters which were impossible to solve. Often, people found a solution through the offices of a young woman. If it was necessary to approach a high ranking German officer, it was handled by these young women and problems would be resolved. I do not wish to insult these girls. It was not a matter of their being humiliated by begging for favors; no.

I'm interested in the fact that the most difficult problems that seemed impossible to solve were often smoothly resolved by women. There were, in the town, girls who had contacts with different officers of the town, and it was only a matter of these girls being willing to go and to ask and a successful result was assured.

I'm speaking of the girls of the higher classes of the town. Among them were girls who did not have any contact with the Germans. Then there were also girls who had good judgement about how the Germans viewed them when they went to plead for a favor, and did not wish to give in to the Germans.

In this case the girl was personally subjected to hard sufferings on a material plane and perhaps the entire family for whom she had tried to solve certain matters suffered as well. But these women had their pride and would refuse to get involved in daily affairs for which the Germans required certain attitudes, even if such affairs would have brought them material advantages.

But there were few who were able to reject the demands of the Germans. The majority had to surrender, some because of material difficulties, others for different reasons, to the daily requirements, often sinking to the lowest level. These cases brought very sad results. The second class consisted of simple girls who did not have the honor of becoming acquainted with the higher kind of officers. These girls had relations with common soldiers and life for them was worse still, than for the higher class of girls.

Although it will mean that I omit matters that I had originally intended to relate, this was an important aspect of life, and played a major role at the period when the Germans were there. However, I must leave it out. Perhaps there will be another opportunity to tell this story in detail.

A year passed since the Germans arrived in town. The year was full of experiences, many of them described above to the best of my ability, facts that I knew, and had the opportunity to relate. But I must confess, there are many important events which I have avoided. The reason is that I am writing at a later time, so that I cannot remember details. It would, no doubt, be more interesting if I had written all this at the time it actually happened when the details were fresh in my memory. But I did not do it. I shall now report what happened later, during the following year. However, I hope shortly to end my story and begin to report about daily happenings. I will try to bring the story up to the present.

Although it will acquire the character of less personal history, it will be a reminder for me after such a long period of time, but as for my personal experiences during this past year, I do not have a great deal to relate.

My days passed with no exceptional impressions, or special feelings. I'm not discussing this from a sentimental point of view. I was never far from emotional feelings. But in a simple sense, I could not find any interest in everything that was happening. A terrible apathy befell me, so that often I would simply not recognize my own self, and I would ask myself: Am I the same person I used to be? The one who was always jolly without worries, courageous, brave, has become disillusioned, full of apathy. These characteristics were never apparent in my personality. Am I the same person? No. I just did not believe that my present low, sad moods had any connection with the past, when I always lived in favorable conditions which usually gave rise to good moods, and indeed, this was true. The present melancholy moods which overcame my spirit had little in common with the past. For it appeared that everything had suddenly been torn apart.

And a completely different life began to develop, which later became most uninteresting. Suffice it to say that living for the previous several years in a big city like Warsaw, in comfortable conditions, I always found opportunities to enjoy greater interests in life. I always had a large circle of friends in whose company I always spent enjoyable hours. I took an active interest in everything that would bring useful results. Whatever matters I found interesting, I was always able to incorporate into my life in a useful way.

For the past several years I had been interested in various literary meetings, lectures, and speeches about literature. An important part of my cultural life was attending musical events in which I found great pleasure. Very often I would attend the great theater or the opera and there I would enjoy seeing the most renowned and the best of our national and international artists. In other words, I always took the best advantage of any opportunities that were available to me. I gained a good deal of knowledge and had opportunity to develop myself from the young provincial boy I was when I first arrived in Warsaw, to a knowledgeable, aware, and conscious young man.

I had had great success over the previous several years in this respect, and by making the right decisions I was able to reach and attain greater conviction which led me into righteous ways of life. Generally, I have to be thankful to my wide circle of friends and acquaintances with whom I was always in harmony. The time we spent together led to many kinds of improvements in my life. My material condition was quite favorable. I never suffered in this respect. I lived in good conditions which always gave me opportunities to become involved with problems pertaining to my personal life, in an auspicious and favorable manner.

So I lived in such circumstances for a period of four to five years. My life was in full bloom, at the highest level of my development. When suddenly, this horrible world (war) drama broke out and took over my life for almost three years. Everything was abruptly torn apart in my personal life. A great disruption took place. For many reasons, I had to leave Warsaw. I found myself in the Diaspora which I've written about here, and it can be said that this brought me a complete spiritual collapse.

I stayed in Slonim, in a foreign town, where, except for several people in the house where I lived, everyone was a stranger to me. I had no friends or acquaintances, where as during my time in Warsaw, I had enjoyed life and many different interests, always cheerful and in high spirits, my time spent in joyful pursuits. And this was just several months before. The time I spent in Warsaw was a most interesting and beneficial period for me.

Now I had become a stranger, accidentally, and was a victim of sadness and apathy. In a town which had fallen not long ago into the hands of the enemy who treated us in the worst way, we are now confined like birds in a cage and in constant hope of redemption. The atmosphere I now found myself in was of no interest to me, mainly because of the lack of friends. I felt extremely lonely. I never left the house, for I had nowhere to go and no one to see. An entire year passed by and I remained without friends. I saw only the people who lived where I lived in the same house. I had no place to go and no one to come to visit with me. Days and evenings I spent at home, not even wishing for something better. Occasionally, I would find an interesting book to read, but ordinarily many weeks passed without my leaving the house.

And this situation had a very negative affect upon me. Sometimes, I would lie down in the afternoon in my small room, and, undisturbed, dream about the past which was so rich and contained so many good memories. A very sad feeling arises when one merely reminisces, and compares the present with the past.

Not only once did I lie on my bed absorbed in deep thoughts. The other tenants in the home often asked me the reason for such depressed moods. What could my answer be? I only asked to be left alone. It seemed to me that no one could comprehend what I longed for. And I had no desire to share my feelings with anyone. In my heart I knew that I longed for the delightful and interesting days of the past which I enjoyed so much, and for the many friends with whom I always shared the good and bad. For I had shared with my friends all my feelings which were of great importance to me at that time.

Those were the moods which I felt during the first year of my being in Slonim. I was partly busy with household matters, and with being a storekeeper. This kept me busy which I did enjoy.

During the first winter it was very noisy in the store and I was kept pretty busy. Then it was quiet. And in this way a year passed. At the beginning of the second year I experienced a small change. Accidentally I became a militiaman, a policeman, and as a result the strange life I had described, changed. I was now able to get acquainted with the life of the town.

Several colleagues of the same vocation who I saw quite often during service duties, had formed a small circle of friends. Most of them were simple people who I did not consider interesting. I was often in contact with these people. I would listen to the empty conversations, full of banalities, which they carried out among themselves. However, I embraced them as one who is drowning, and I began to take part in their chit chat. After a long year's silence in which I had no one to exchange a word with, I was glad to have the opportunity again to enjoy the feeling of having friends.

Well, those colleagues were not on my level, but I was unable to be choosy any longer. I had to adjust to those individuals which was quite difficult for me, but if I really looked into the matter I knew that their company did not satisfy me. Still I accepted the situation with the hope that life would change and things would return to where they had been in the past. Of course, there is nothing wrong with having some friends who may not be the most interesting personalities. In times of trouble one has to be satisfied with what one can get.

But you see, regarding female company in which I was seeking to find an interest in life, I did have several opportunities. I was introduced to two young ladies and started meeting them quite often. Obviously I was not meeting both of them at the same time. I'm speaking here of two separate stories for it is accepted in women's circles that certain friendships are more or less dangerous compared to everyday relationships, and they may require more responsibility.

I was not able to be as indifferent as I was when in masculine company. I began to pay attention to these women's qualities of character which resulted in my becoming fully disappointed in a short time. I soon discontinued both of these relationships. It became clear that these women did not belong in my company and without any hesitation I stopped meeting them. First of all, I was glad that these friendships did not have the chance to acquire a more serious character as my conscience would have greatly suffered.

Secondly, the fact is that I was not guilty because being a stranger in town I was not fully aware who was appropriate and who was not. The two above-described acquaintances came along almost at the same time, and both relationships ended in a quick disappointment, which was just as well. Far from my finding good friends, these two experiences represented just the opposite.

I had always hoped that anyone who formed a favorable opinion of me would judge me on the basis of my close relationships. However, in these cases, the opposite was true. Now that a whole year had passed, and my life in Slonim had taken on a different character, all these past experiences appeared stupid, and not worth devoting time to.

As I mentioned previously, I was a militiaman, a policeman. By chance, a friend of mine suggested to me that I take over his job as a substitute for several weeks, and I did it. I had time, and I was anxious to bring some changes into my monotonous life. On the first night of Rosh Hashanah I entered into this job which consisted of walking for several hours at night through the town as a watchman together with another soldier. This was not a difficult service, and at times was even interesting. To walk for several hours through the town was sometimes very pleasant, especially when the weather was nice, and I didn't want to return home.

The service was divided. There was a schedule according to the militiamen done by the German soldiers of the main guardhouse. I had to report there and then with the soldier who had been assigned to me, we walked for several hours as night watchmen. If the evening was pleasant it felt as if we were taking a stroll through town. But sometimes the weather was bad, rain, snow, and wind. Then we would find a place to sit for several hours, and then we would go home.

Several weeks passed. For some time I was just a substitute. But later the job became steady as a militiaman. Several new ones were needed and they hired me. So I worked there for two months, and then suddenly, a change occurred. A new mayor arrived and gave an order to cancel the militiamen's jobs. Now the soldiers walked by themselves.

All of us were drafted as militiamen into the citizen's committee where new rules were established. Of course, it was regrettable to leave such an easy job. I had become accustomed to these night walks, and now I missed them. Indeed it was quite interesting to walk through town especially when the accompanying soldier was congenial. We held friendly conversations, and the time would pass quickly.

One morning we were gathered and given orders regarding our new duties. Instead of being guards, we became militiamen of the town's committee. This happened during the time when information reached higher authorities about scandalous deeds performed by mayor Kramen together with all the other Jewish committeemen. The old committee was completely isolated, appointing new leaders and a mayor, and new secretaries. A new leadership was instituted. Against the former mayor Kramen, a lawsuit was arranged, including several of the Jewish committee. All of this happened unexpectedly.

When mayor Kramen left for vacation news spread that his house had been searched, and everything sealed off. No one knew the meaning of this. On the following day it became known that one of the committeemen, Vernikovsky, had been arrested, and afterwards his friend Adelman was also arrested. Those two were the main leaders and it became clear that they had perpetrated various frauds together with the mayor and when the higher authorities suspected misbehavior, they had insisted on a series of observations. Apparently, no long searches were necessary. Books were checked, and the truth was proven in black and white. It turned out that in a period of half a year, substantial fraud had been committed.

Income in the treasury was large and was mostly divided among the leaders, the mayor and several of the committeemen who were in close relationship with him. Immediately, both mentioned committeemen were arrested and the mayor was seized when he arrived by train, which came as quite a surprise to him. It was proven that during his tenure, he had sent large amounts of money to his wife.

He also sent transports of different merchandise from here, and all of it charged to the citizen's treasury. Other schemes and falsehoods were discovered, and an accusation was lodged against him. In several weeks his case was heard. His trial took place in Slonim. It started at 8 AM and lasted until 2 in the morning with only 1/2 hour interruption for dinner. It was a sensational trial. It was my fate to be present during the proceedings.

As a militiaman from the citizen's committee I was assigned to keep order, and I spent the entire day watching the course of the trial. First, several citizens had been arrested, and secondly, it was of interest to everybody to hear the results of the trial as the main accusation had been lodged against the mayor. People were not allowed to witness the trial. From the civilian population there were only 15 people present as witnesses together with those who were on duty. But from the military there were many officers who had come purposely to listen to the progress of this interesting trial.

The hall was crowded to capacity. When I arrived in the morning, the accused were there. Each one was sitting in a separate room, under a strict guard of soldiers. Exactly at 9 in the morning the judges arrived. There were six of them, all military men who had been sent specially for this examination. Also the local judge was present. He took the place of the prosecutor. At 10:30 AM the meeting opened, and the accused mayor Kramen was brought into the hall. He looked nervous and depressed. It was apparent he was trying to show strength but was unable to cover his nervousness which was obvious in his smallest movements. A deadly silence fell in the hall, and everyone looked at each other as though the greatest criminal was about to appear.

He took the assigned seat at the accusation bench, one of the judges started reading the accusation document to which everyone listened with great attentiveness. The accused also listened with great interest to all the details, and it was clear that he was becoming even more nervous. He probably knew what to expect.

The accusation document drawn up by the prosecutor was full of facts that proved the swindles he had performed as a mayor. It was proven that sometime before he had arranged a purchase of flour and sold it to the townspeople for twice the amount he had paid. The profits remained with him, and was not recorded. It seems the money remained with him, and it was substantiated that he would send large sums of money home to his wife. Letters were found from his wife confirming these monies. Then there were falsified workers lists for which he always collected money from the commander's office. There were also accusations of bribe taking from citizens often in the form of various domestic items. For instance, he sent home two Samovars. He also received a huge candelabra which had belonged to a local synagogue, as one of its treasured antiques. It turned out that he had received it from Vernikovsky, who had swindled it out of the synagogue through the warden.

The mayor then sent to his home all these items. There was also an incident concerning boots which he ordered and paid for with money from the committee's cash box. Other charges were discovered against him which I did not find out about, since they were read behind closed doors. From all these facts came a document of accusations of a colossal number which took one hour to read. Now questions were asked of the accused. And he had to give clear answers. But he did very well.

At the beginning he was somewhat disturbed, unable to defend himself from such a mountain of accusations, but he found appropriate answers and with great satisfaction, launched into proper explanations. He spoke in detail, giving clear answers. He defended himself with a masterful skill, and his speech took quite a long time. For a moment it seemed that he might be freed. A feeling of doubt was created and everyone waited in suspense for the statements of the witnesses upon which the entire case depended.

The questioning of the witnesses began. Every witness was called in from the rooms where they waited. First the military personnel were called. Ten men were there. There was the above-mentioned Chief of Police Kempe, the former commander who had been called back from Pruszhany and several soldiers who had been employed as record keepers and bookkeepers. Everyone was asked about various facts, of course, first being sworn to give truthful information.

And now a cloud gradually started to form over the head of the accused mayor. Every witness told all he had to relate. This was unfavorable for the accused. Everyone's statements strengthened the accusations against the mayor, and they became even stronger after several witnesses were questioned. They all told the truth. It was impossible to lie after the procedure of being sworn in.

Everyone had to raise his hand and repeat the spiritual incantation which stated: "I swear by the almighty, all-knowing God that I tell the truth, nothing but the truth". Everyone repeated the same words. Most important were the explanations of Vernikovsky who realized after being in prison for several weeks that he had to uncover the whole truth, and not cover up facts to clear himself of accusations which had been lodged against him. His speech lasted one hour and was a deadly blow to the accused mayor.

Vernikovsky told stories which had not even been mentioned in the documents. He showed with "miracles" and verbal pyrotechnics that he had taken advantage of this opportunity to gain credit for himself. His explanations cleared him of all wrongdoings and passed all responsibility to the mayor, Kramen.

The mayor made a fiery speech, but after the impression of the witnesses, his speech was not successful. Everyone was certain that a strong punishment was shaping up for him.

After a short recess, the prosecutor made his speech, and the defender countered. First spoke the prosecutor, and in black colors he painted the deeds of the accused. He asserted that all the accusations were true, and he reiterated the testimony of the witnesses, all of whom, without exception, had spoken against the mayor. The prosecutor also brought in the moral aspects of the case, and demanded that the judges apply the strongest punishment to the accused.

The defender spoke warmly about the mayor. He tried to counter the influence that the prosecutor had on the judges, painting the accused's actions in pleasant colors. He appealed to the judges' consciences, citing the facts that the accused was their brother who had been misled by bad thoughts and brought to this sorrowful situation. He requested a mild punishment. After that the accused himself took the stand.

Although he was terribly tired from the day's events, for he had spoken more than all of the others, still he added yet more explanations. He spoke for 1 1/2 hours, and again made a good impression on the listeners. The judges sat and coldly listened, and it seemed they had their verdict ready. He described the sad situation of his young wife at home, knowing that he was far away in Russia and spoke of foolish thoughts that sneaked into his head, leading him to do things which he never would have considered doing. He also described his own personality in very nice colors. He asked the judges to consider the title he carries in the German army. Anyway, he asked for clemency. This plea was his last sentence.

The judges went to another room for a meeting which lasted half an hour. It was two thirty in the middle of the night when they returned. One of them began to read the verdict. With a long preface giving an overview of the entire case, and all explanations of the witnesses. He read the decision of the judges which stated the following: Considering all accusations and defending speeches and from the defendant himself they had come to the conclusion that the mayor was absolutely guilty. They sentenced him to 1 and 1/2 years in prison, and loss of his official rank. He was completely stripped of his military rank. Two of the accused, Vernikovsky and Adelman, were, for the time being, sent to prison until a new decision could be taken.

That was how the trial ended. The accused heard the verdict, and was noticeably upset. But he said nothing and was led to the prison. The crowd dispersed. The following day, the entire town knew about the harsh verdict that had befallen the mayor. There was now some feeling of compassion toward him. After all, he was the head of the town.

In general, the trial was characteristic of German order and discipline. The Germans disregarded the fact that they were in enemy territory, and also that Kramen was one of them, part of their home. They explored all facts of the accusations, and issued the most harsh punishment. The two other prisoners, Vernikovsky and Adelman, were freed after several days. They were sentenced for several weeks, but because they had already served several weeks before, they were freed. They did not return to the committee as the committee was taken over from the town as the Germans took over the management. They appointed a new mayor who instituted new rules.

The situation in town worsened during the first year. The situation was not exceptionally good, and people had many problems. But in some respects, it was not as bad as it became during the second year. The main problem was food. This problem took on a severe character as delivery became extremely difficult, and prices went sky high.

The main product, bread, was missing quite often. It was impossible to get, for any amount of money. All this caused a great disturbance. Requests were directed to the city authorities, who fulfilled this some time later and started to give out coupons for wheat, bread and other products. Half a pound per person. This portion was very small, but better than nothing at all.

The people received their portions every week, distributed from a warehouse, based on the issued coupons. But they received very little, and everyone had to buy some additional food, which was difficult to get. It was very expensive, and often not available. Many people were running around in a state of hunger looking for bread which they could not find. When people appealed to the city's management, the answer was that in Germany the population was receiving the same portions of food, and sometimes even less.

They simply forced the people to get used to eating less, but it certainly disturbed old and weak people. Different illnesses occurred this summer, which one person caught from another. Some very dangerous illnesses, such as Typhus, and people were forced to take strong measures against them. They organized camps behind the town for the sick people, where the entire family of the sick person was placed, and they remained there until the sick person recovered. They really took care, in this respect, and saved many people from illness.

For the poor citizens, a soup kitchen was organized where they were able to buy food for very low prices. The kitchen was opened as soon as the Germans arrived, under the supervision of several prominent citizens. It was a sort of charitable organization where people devoted their time for the good of the people. And in that way, they helped the poor population, which grew from day to day. In the middle of the winter, suspicion arose among these leaders, and one did not trust the other. The kitchen was closed with the explanation that there was no more help, and it could not be supported. With the internal details, I am not familiar.

I do not know what really happened, I'm only certain that the closing of the kitchen was brought on by lack of funds. The expenses were great, larger than the income, and it was impossible to continue. The new mayor, who took over the position of the previous Kramen, took an interest in the kitchen, and in a short time it was reopened, supported by the city's managing committee, which still existed in good order, under the care of several active persons. Every day, several hundred dinners were given out to the poor at very reasonable prices. This was a great help as the general status of the town became ever more sorrowful.

The situation in town did not improve with the coming of the new mayor. The committee he brought in instituted many new changes, but not for the good of the people. On the contrary, in many respects it was worse. The prices for bread were higher than they had been before. Then he stopped giving out help at all. When people approached him regarding the situation, he replied that he did not have the means to help and that everyone must worry about his own problems. Also with his arrival, taxes were raised, and became higher in comparison to taxes levied by the previous committee.

The reason was that the expenses in his treasury multiplied. Whatever was required to keep up the military installations was taken from the city administration, which was supposed to cover all costs. And this often caused a deficit in the treasury. It was necessary to raise income by increasing taxes among citizens. A tax commission was established to administer the distribution of taxes among all local inhabitants.

This commission worked on the project for several weeks until they made up a list. The end of the story was that the plan was not approved by the mayor, who adjusted everyone's tax notice 100%, and each person had to make payments. He brought in new rules, all unfavorable to the citizens of the town, and to approach him with a complaint was quite unsatisfactory for one simple reason: he avoided meeting the civilian population.

He was crazy about cleanliness. When he saw a person approaching him from a distance, he would turn away so as to avoid meeting him at a close range. He believed every civilian wore unclean clothes and at the slightest contact with a civilian, he feared becoming contaminated. When he walked on the sidewalk and saw a person approaching him, he crossed to the middle of the street or he would motion with his stick to give him a free passage.

This shows the extent of his madness. It seemed to him that all the dirt was with the local population. He had once met several poor people dressed in dirty clothes and this gave him his general attitude.

After I was laid off from the guard's duty, I became a militiaman of the city's managing committee. The service was of a diverse nature. It mainly consisted of dispatches to various parts of the city. We were given orders by a military man, a sergeant to whom we were subordinate.

A period of time passed and the committee saw that there were more militiamen than there was work, and decided to lay off several of them. I was among them. The ties that we wore were taken away from us, and the sergeant explained that he was fulfilling orders from the mayor. Since there were too many of us, he had been ordered to release several. We, the ones who were laid off, accepted this verdict and we all went home.

Several days later I was called back for a temporary job. I was to assist in general statistical census of the local population. This work lasted several days, but through an accident I again became a militiaman. Two weeks passed and again there was news in town. Several hundred young men were to be sent to work battalions, located in the vicinity of Slonim. Many workers were required, and militiamen would also be drafted. This kind of news spread quickly.

Of course, this was not pleasant news for us. It was just unacceptable to be sent there knowing that great hardships could be expected. It was known that hard work could be expected far away from town. Very little food arrived there. One morning, it was learned that many young men had been taken from their homes in the middle of the night. They were kept under guard and would be shipped together in groups.

In the morning many young men were apprehended in the streets and would be sent away for work. In the afternoon all militiamen received orders to report the next morning to the city office, and it became clear that we militiamen would also be sent away. From the militiamen's district about 15 or 20 had already been sent. When the people reported, the married ones were separated and sent away separately.

So it was with the militiamen. When I returned home in the evening and reported the events in town and that I would be probably be sent away the next day, the family started planning a way to get me out. Not to report would be dangerous. What if they came to the house to get me? And find me? Wouldn't the situation be worse? At any rate, I would face punishment, and the plan to hide was not acceptable.

But there had to be a way to free myself, and a friend, K, extended his help. He suggested a good plan which we immediately followed. We knew that before being sent away every person was checked by a garrison doctor, who decided whether the person was healthy and capable of working, and it seemed that there was a certain way to solve the problem.

There was in town a girl who was very close to the doctor. He visited her quite often and they were very good friends. If she would ask the doctor to let someone go, he, the doctor, would no doubt do it. Our friend K suggested we approach this girl and tell her the story and hear her reaction. Mr. K went to this girl's house himself. He did not spend much time there, and returned with an answer that she was agreeable to his request, but required a certain sum of money, which he promised to pay her as soon as I was free. She said that she was sure of a successful result, and that there should be no worry. She would follow up in the most beneficial way, otherwise she would receive no payment.

In the morning before I went to report, I saw her meeting with the doctor and having a long conversation with him. When I arrived at the office of the committee there were already several of our men present. Some men did not report. Those who showed up were sent to the hospital to bathe and to be examined by the doctor. We came first, took baths, our clothes were disinfected, and we were awaiting the doctor. The doctor came and examined everyone. He checked me and found an internal illness, and dismissed me immediately as being unable to work. The rest he diagnosed as capable of working. In this way, I narrowly escaped being in the hands of the Germans. This event struck me as a repeat of my being drafted into the army because of the similarity of the procedure.

In the evening I returned to the committee office. I found work, not of great pleasure. At that time 20 militiamen from the district and several from our committee were taken to be sent to work. All of them together with the workers were waiting in one building until the required quota was met, at which time they would all be sent away. The militiamen were supposed to be paid, and I was chosen to make those payments to them. When I arrived, there was a great to do. There were several hundred people, all of them talking and shouting. They were lying on bits of straw. Relatives came to visit with them. They were allowed to visit at certain hours, and of course mainly women would come.

When I arrived, I noticed to the envy of all, as I was free to come and go. They felt a terrible anxiety because they did not know their fate or where or when they will be sent away. I completed paying out the money. I went home full of pity for all these men knowing the sorrowful situation they were all in. The next morning all of them were sent away, and the manner in which it took place I recall a terrible picture.

At first they were treated all right. And it turned out that several young men dressed as women managed to disappear. Therefore, in the morning, no one was allowed to go in to visit the young men and special guardsmen on horses were assigned to disperse the crowd. All the men were lined up near the building in the middle of the street. They were counted and sent to the railroad station.

As I have already mentioned, this was the second year of my being in town, and small changes had occurred in my personal life. In time, I acquired new friends. I no longer spent time in loneliness as I had during the first year, and quite often I was in interesting company. My circle of friends was not large, simply because I was not able to adjust to many of them. But I did find several people, and as I became more closely acquainted with them, started to see them more often. Many interesting conversations developed on various subjects. We would discuss important subjects and questions which I always loved. In this way an interesting group was created.

I became especially close to one person who interested me the most. This was a young fellow in his 20s. When I became acquainted with him, the first thing that struck me was his kindness. He was a devoted Yiddishist. Personally I was very close to his views, and soon he became part of my social life. Besides, he was not only well acquainted with Yiddish literature, but also with Russian and European literatures, and he was well educated. We discussed many social problems about which we had similar opinions.

And so we became close friends. For me this friendship was very important after a long time without close friends. I was happy to help this interesting friend. He often reminded me of my friends in Warsaw who were in many ways similar. And he was the only friend with whom I spent a lot of time.

I also attended several lectures organized by young people, and also several memorial meetings in honor of Sholem Aleichem, and Peretz. First, I attended the Peretz meeting. Once a meeting was arranged on a Saturday afternoon, and a certain Mr. D. was to talk about the writings of Peretz. It attracted quite a large audience, but this program failed terribly. He prepared a very interesting speech, but when he appeared on stage, he completely lost his ability to talk. He stammered in confusion and was unable to start the lecture. It seems he was afraid and shocked, facing a large crowd for the first time. Another person took over so as not to destroy the program.

It was a different story at a lecture given by different person, a Mr. F. This lecture was a memorial for Sholem Aleichem. The speaker made an excellent impression for he was a talented person and spoke a beautiful Yiddish. He gave a clear picture of the creations of the late author. He stressed the greatness of the writer's contributions to Yiddish literature and to the Jewish people who do not have many writers of such magnitude. He described in detail several works of Sholem Aleichem. He made an everlasting impression on the audience.

I had an opportunity to get to the theater where I saw several performances produced under the supervision of an artist who came from Bialystok by the name of Greenhouse. One of the productions was King Lear, another one The Talmud Chochem, The Brilliant Man, and The Wild Man and other well known plays. But the productions were rather poor and there is no reason to go into details.

In general that summer was quite pleasant for me, and in comparison with the previous summer, I spent time rather enjoyably. I became a chess enthusiast, thanks to several of my friends who visited with me for the purpose of playing chess. We played quite often, and many more players joined us and our house became a chess club. People would come regularly as it became known that there were regular chess games taking place. But the chess-playing period quickly passed and another game, "Preferance", became popular and was played for several hours each day. All this happened at the beginning of winter of 1916.

My work as a militiaman was quite difficult and absorbing so that I could only play during the evening. During the day I had different obligations which I had to fulfill. I admit I was not fond of the kind of work I did, yet I did not want to give it up as it would be a problem to find other work. Being a militiaman I was confident I would not be sent away somewhere for work.

At the beginning of January a slight change occurred, and my job duties changed. From the committee I, together with another militiaman, were sent to report to the garrison doctor. We did not know the reason. One winter morning I arrived there and reported to the German doctor. He told me the reason I had been called and explained the kind of work I would do. Lately, typhus had been spreading all over town. Typhus is contagious and must be contained. An order had come from the main general that all citizens, young and old, must take baths and be disinfected.

This was done in the following manner. A doctor in a certain district came to check all houses and assigned each family to take baths the following day. The next day several militiamen, together with several German soldiers, came to disinfect the houses. The order was that the people must be taken to the baths according to a list. They were turned over to a local medic, a male nurse, for this purpose. A bathhouse was installed and our work began. Myself and other militiamen and a sergeant, a military person, inspected every house and sent the families out to bathe. The sergeant made lists for each family separately and we went with the people.

In this manner I was able to witness various scenes which occurred at the baths. This order was compulsory, and no one was anxious to comply with it. As soon as we arrived people protested and tried to give false excuses. One said that he was sick, another that he had to go to work. It seemed no one wanted to obey. But we, the militiamen, had to fulfill our duties and proceeded to execute these orders. First of all, we advised the doctor that people resented going to the baths. Immediately, a notice appeared advising that every person, young and old, because of sanitary reasons had to go to the bath. Whoever tried to hide would be punished. At this, the people took a different attitude towards the ruling, and our work became less difficult.

Now when we arrived in the morning, people were waiting to be called. There were families whose houses were clean and they had their own bath installed and could bathe without any force. Those families tried to be free. And the sergeant would consider excluding them especially when he received illegal fees and was supplied with food and drinks. He, as all Germans, liked to eat, and this was the best way to free the family from going to the baths and allowing some members to be free.

The sergeant would often discuss the matter with me. He would ask me to come into the house to verify the cleanliness of that house as though I would question him about freeing the people. It did not bother me, I just had to bring in the people listed on the notices. I did not care if he freed these people as he was the responsible person. The doctor would appear quite often to check the situation, but he arranged that people were not present at home. The doctor would report that things were in good order. He would go from house to house and check whether the disinfecting was being carried out properly, executed by two sanitary medics. He would check and leave orders for the future and then he would leave these houses.

We started in a certain district, and proceeded going from one street to the next. Every day the disinfection machinery, which was standing on the streets, was moved and our work would follow. Not once did we hear shouting or insults, especially from the poor population, which had seriously protested the baths, saying, "Give us more bread. Why are you feeding us with baths. We are hungry."

Indeed, it was extremely difficult to face the force policy about sending poor people to the baths. They were hungry and their houses were not heated, yet they were dragging off naked and barefoot people. It was terrible when coming to a house of the poor to see adults and mainly children shivering from the cold huddled together, not having warm clothes or food to keep alive.

An undescribable pity awoke in watching such scenes. Seeing the tired faces of young people, whose eyes expressed one wish, to receive a piece of bread, which was seldom granted, a terrible impression was made upon me. According to the rules, we were not to pay attention to the objections of the people and were to enforce the bathing orders without fail. During the horrible winter days it was unbearable to witness those scenes. I personally reported the situation to the doctor, but he did not show any pity. He instructed us to have those poor people transported by wagons and not to go by foot. But this was not a favor at all.

They were still hungry and suffered a great deal from the sanitary medics who treated them like animals and at any opportunity hit them. I couldn't stand it and I asked the committee to transfer me and send another militiaman in my place. But they did not grant my request, and I remained at this work.

We continued our services and felt the hostile attitude of the poor population. I remember an old woman saying: "When we see you, we have pain in our hearts. Will you believe me?" Or, "There, the murderers are coming again. If they could only see whether we have bread. Why are they feeding us with baths? We are clean as it is. Let them give us food. Then we would not be sick. We lived without forced baths, and we were healthy." Such and similar words we often heard, and what could we answer? I knew that all their complaints were justified, but I was unable to help them. Occasionally, I had to impose these rules, otherwise they would not listen at all.

The winter passed. Everyday we would take about 200 to 250 persons to the baths, and in this way, within two months we completed the entire town. If we had gone from house to house, and not have missed anyone, it would have lasted much longer. Later, a change occurred. There were requests from wealthier families to release them from the forced baths. An order came down to the effect that the doctor who examined the houses, after verifying the cleanliness of these houses, could free these people from taking the baths. Now families that normally were not clean, after finding out that the doctor was about to visit, cleaned the houses and made an effort to have everything perfectly in order and clean. All this to impress the doctor hoping to be freed from the baths.

When he arrived at a certain house he would usually find one or two persons, mainly girls, who would be dressed in nice clothes in his honor just as though it was a holiday. They would entertain him in the living room, the nicest room in the house, and would imagine it to be representative of the entire house. He would then free them. The joy of such occurrences was overwhelming. All the neighbors had to take baths, but they were free. Who could be as lucky as they. The neighbors would frown upon them and say: "No wonder they clean, wash and scrub all week and dress up like Queen Esther. If someone came in the middle of the year, then you could judge whose houses were clean." But the ones who had been excused from the baths were in heaven. All the neighbors had to take baths, and they were free.

We had served for about two months in town and I hoped that the end had come for such service. I returned to the committee with an alienated feeling. Now a new ruling came down which started all over again bringing people to the baths. We started at the same districts, but now our work became easier. First of all, the weather had turned warmer, which was an important factor when people were taken to bathe. In the summer it was easier to move and the worry of cold disappeared. Children could now run barefoot about, and didn't have to dress in warm clothes. It seemed that people had become accustomed to us and did not protest and scream as they previously did.

The doctor changed his policy. He was not as strict as he had been and excused many families. The only ones left were in the poor sections where it is usually unclean. It became clear that such forced cleansing, disinfecting and taking them to baths, was surely for their benefit. From now on, we avoided several streets, mainly the cleaner parts of the city, and our services became normal. Under the supervision of the garrison doctor, this work continued for almost one year. During this period we covered the town about 10 to 12 times.

It was no wonder that being there from the first day doing the same kind of work while the rest of the militiaman during the time had changed their work, I had become acquainted with everyone in town, and everybody knew me and what my duties were. If they met me on the street they would say: "There goes the militiaman", or "He's coming to take us to the baths". It even happened that when I would go out walking with some friends, children would come running to me and ask: "When are you coming to take us to the baths?" I became very popular in town, which gave me great satisfaction. What other opportunity did I have to become so well known by every person in town who I felt at home with?

I knew everyone in these families, and how many there were. By now most of them did not mind being taken to the baths. They no longer screamed and yelled as they had at the beginning, and when we came to them, they acted in a pleasant manner. In particular, they had expressed a very friendly attitude toward me, and they said that I handled them in a more proper way than the other militiamen. The others did not listen to them. If sometimes a person was missing from the family, the other militiamen did not listen to the explanations and they were very strict and uncooperative. But I was different in this respect. I listened to their arguments which were always the same and to the best of my ability, I tried to satisfy them. In that way I was better liked than the other militiamen.

The dirty work continued on the same basis without any changes. "When would it end?" was the question. "Perhaps at the end of the world." But so far there was no sight of the end of the world.

In this fifth part of my story, I wish to conclude with the introduction of women to work, which created a stir in town in the summer of 1917.

Until that time nothing similar had happened. Women were never employed in this way. And no one ever thought about it. Only men were drafted for work. During the German occupation, only men had been taken from the population. They suffered plenty. They were mistreated, fed bad food, paid meager salaries and made to pay large sums to the commandant's office. It was unbelievable that women would be taken into the work force.

Two years passed and no one had heard about it. Many women did work for the Germans on a voluntary basis. These were poor women who worked to earn a few marks. When the news of an enforced work order for women was brought out, there was a great disturbance, mainly among the younger women. A great disturbance arose among the better class of girls, who were not used to having work assigned by the Germans. Each one looked for favors and tried to be excused. No one of them wanted to go to work, especially the more aristocratic ones.

All of them were afraid of this work plan. They could not imagine how they could be called to work for they had no familiarity with agricultural work, which they felt would be presented to them. And the date the notices came, they ran around trying to figure out ways to be excused from work. One asked a soldier, another one an officer. They begged them to intervene on their behalf at the commandant's office.

Among the girls who received notices that day were two very good friends of mine with whom I had become very friendly during the second year of my stay here. I had met them by chance, and now we met and spent time pleasantly. One Saturday, both girls received notices that they were to be sent to work. They tried to find a way to be freed. And it was pitiful to see these girls in such terrible distress. They were, however, successful and got work releases on the basis that they were working for social benevolent organizations. The girls calmed down, but many of the other girls in town did not have such luck and did not know how to handle the situation having no one to help them.

It was different with the girls who had contact with the Germans, and hoped, through them, to be freed. They had friends who went to the commandant's office to ask for mercy. A German who I knew told me a story which is worthwhile repeating.

On the day after all the girls had received their notices to report for work, German faces started appearing at the commandant's office, soldiers and officers. The first to appear was a short, thin soldier. He approached a German soldier who was busy writing in a thick book. The clerk asked the short one what he wanted. The thin soldier looked around furtively and turned to the clerk as if telling him a secret. Since girls are now being taken for work, I have friends among these girls I am requesting that they be excused from work, and a work release order should be issued. At first, the clerk hesitated and explained that it did not depend upon him and that he was not able to grant the request, but being pressured, he promised to do something.

Next, another soldier walked over to the clerk and told him that he had a friend, a girl, by the name of so-and-so living at such-and-such a street. He asked that she be excused. Then a third soldier stepped up to the clerk sitting at the table. This time it was not a plain soldier, but an officer. He told the clerk about a girl and asked him to arrange a work release for her. "Do you understand? Thank you. Thank you" he said, and he disappeared.

Next, a young lieutenant entered the room, in his early 20s. He asked where information was to be found about the women workers orders. The clerk seeing him, stood up and listened to the words of the lieutenant. "I'm requesting a work release for the girl living at such-and-such an address." "Ya wol, ya wol" answered the clerk. Ten minutes passed, and a lieutenant of a higher rank entered the room. He was tall and husky. Everyone in the room stood up to honor him. He expressed a desire to see the clerk at the work information desk. The clerk did not wait to hear his request, but got up and said: "What is the name of the girl?" "Oh! Yes!" said the lieutenant, and told the clerk the name and address of the girl and walked away.

All day there was a commotion in that office. One came, another one left. Different officers from various districts appeared to intervene on behalf of the girls from Slonim. And many of these girls benefitted and were excused. Later a high ranking person, a major, came to the commandant's office and in between official discussions he whispered a secret: "Please release from work the girl at such-and-such address. Thank you. Thank you. " said the major, and left the room. Whether all these requests were fulfilled I do not know, but these were the stories one heard.

I'm now ending my fifth chapter. In the following chapter I will sum up the two years of the German occupation, and also my personal life during this period about which, so far, I have written very little. In other words, my sixth chapter will represent a summation of all I have already written and if I did not mention many details, I shall try to do so now.

It was now more than two years that we had been under German domination. The conditions we had experienced under their rule may be judged from the facts I have described above. It will be sufficient to mention the troubles we had pertaining to work orders. The Germans would simply catch people in the streets and send them to work. The name of the police chief, Kempe, was well known as well as all others under those orders. Every day people were stripped of their possessions.

There were widespread shortages of bread but the occupiers were largely the guilty ones, because they would take food for themselves giving out only 5 pounds of flour for two weeks. And this went on for a long time.

This, and a myriad of other facts constantly in evidence, can form an accurate picture of the German character. It is therefore, not necessary to mention more facts about German misdeeds which the occupiers allowed themselves to inflict. Now, to sum up the past several years, I will once more give a general picture of the period.

Although it is a tragic picture, to put it simply, since the Germans occupied our city we have not breathed freely. Time passes full of anxiety. We are constantly troubled by various indignities and the persecutions of the barbaric rulers. If given the opportunity, they would take us into their hands and handle us like animals in the woods, doing whatever comes to their minds. As I already mentioned in the previous chapters, as soon as we became acquainted with the Germans, we were devastatingly disappointed. It did not take months or weeks for us to become convinced that we had made a great mistake in judging them. Instead of the gentle respectable people we had imagined, we saw in front of us wild barbaric animals who abused their power more and more. We saw before us people who did not possess a conscience and were capable of the greatest crimes. We saw before us a Teutonic people, their feelings penetrated by their murderous rulers to whom they were entirely devoted. Not to mention the fact that for the past 4 years their leader had led them to the altar as victims of his wild, deranged fantasies of more and more power and more territory in this world.

We saw people who were devoted to their country with their entire souls and life. People who were governed by an iron will, without any human feelings, without pity, who pour such feelings into the people of their country. People who indoctrinate the hearts of 10 and 12 year olds who grow up with these horrible characteristics for the rest of their lives. The Germans were full of patriotic feelings, with an iron character and a strong belief in conquest.

The Germans were permeated with such feelings when they arrived. Every one of them was convinced that they would succeed in complete conquest of the enemies whom they were pursuing. And it is true that the Russian army suffered a terrible defeat. They had to retreat from Warsaw to Baranovich. This encouraged the Germans to continue the fight until the "ultimate conquest", as they always expressed themselves.

They conceived of us as people who they had redeemed from the Russian yoke. After all, they had freed us from the Russians, and we would now live happily. We would not miss a thing. Everything we needed would be brought from Germany. There would be free trade with wealthy Germany, and great commerce would be established with the German people. In short, a wonderful time had come, they said. There were many who believed and hoped.

But in a short while it became clear how false their assurances were. Perhaps it was easier to breathe at the beginning of their rule, after the Russians had left, but later we learned what kind of people they were and we started to grasp the bitter tricks that they had put over on us. We had to endure a great deal of trouble with no hope for any changes.

Every week, every day, brought new trouble and it appeared in a greater measure in a more open and more horrifying manner. Rulers constantly changed, and they implemented new orders as they saw fit. During that period we experienced much trouble from the little people who were wielding power in their hands for the first time, and did not know at first what methods to use to display their power. Every officer who was promoted to a higher post tried to dominate our people, as a matter of course, always causing the Jews to suffer. Many were sick and hungry and exhausted. Many died amid terrible suffering under the oppression.

We found ourselves in a black abyss, where no light penetrated. The atmosphere was choking, suffocating. We were full of hatred for those who used us as toys. Occasionally, a ray of light would illuminate everybody's face, but it soon disappeared leaving a greater longing and suffering than before.

Three years had passed since the bloody war had started. During the first year under Russian rule, we felt less misery from the war. The wretched reality of war came under German rule. How many people were physically and spiritually ruined? It would take a long time for these people to recover from this nightmare.

With an obsessive interest we watched the operations on the fronts. In the smallest news we looked for hints that the peace we expected and hoped for would come. When the Germans came, no one expected that the war would continue for such a long period. We thought the war would last several months. The Russians had experienced a defeat and it seemed sure that war could not last, and a peace would be reached.

But the Germans were stopped at Baranovich. The Russian army managed to reinforce its positions and stop the German advance, but the Germans remained there for some time. They were still the conquerors. In the past months, they have made a sizeable step forward giving them confidence to continue the war, although their power was weak.

The economic situation in Germany worsened. Their power diminished and they suffered mainly from lack of food. It became clear to us that the condition of the allied countries had the right idea in using tactics to keep Germany hungry.

The Germans tried to convince us that a blockade was impossible, that keeping them hungry would not succeed since they were extremely thrifty in stretching food. But we noticed that the situation became worse each day. German soldiers came for vacations, and seeing their faces it became clear to us the terrible conditions that existed in their fatherland.

Often I spoke with those soldiers and some of their stories sounded unbelievable. It appeared that in the months before harvest, there would exist real starvation. Often we would see German soldiers send packages home which consisted mainly of bread, flour, or potatoes. Since large packages could not be sent, they would send even one pound of flour, or two pounds of potatoes. Such packages were received with great joy.

I often heard that when the soldiers returned to Germany by train, crowds of women and children would meet them and like bees to honey, they would buzz around the soldier begging for bread. They would carry the soldier's bags. Often demonstrations were held and people would shout: "Give us bread!".

Of course this had an impact on our lives. Prices rose, food was very expensive, and the poor population suffered great hunger. The situation improved after the harvest when grain was taken from the fields. But a great depression settled over everyone as the financial situation worsened for each individual. As there was no business to be handled everyone lived and hoped that the war would end and that there would be a respite.

And so day by day passed, week after week, and month after month. So far, no outlook for peace existed and time was passing by. Yes, I say it was years that we waited for peace and time dragged on as if a load of 10,000 pounds hung on every one of our people. Everyone was terribly depressed and hoped with a heart full of longing and dreams for better days.

Not long afterwards, changes happened to us, and we thought that our situation would improve for the better, and that we would once more start living. But the situation became so complicated and again without hope for improvement. This happened at the end of 1917 when news reached us suddenly about our old homeland Russia. Several days passed and more news came about the Czar losing his throne. A revolution had occurred in Russia, and a great upheaval was taking place. It was impossible to express the impact this news had on us.

This is the end of page 378 of the diary of Moshe Eisenstadt. It is known that more exists, both before the first pages, and after the last, but where the remaining sections are, no one knows.

Copyright © 1998, 2000 by Joanne Saltman